著者
綿田 稔
雑誌
美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies
巻号頁・発行日
no.396, pp.25-44, 2008-11-05

Jukô-in was built as the family temple in memory of Miyoshi Nagayoshi (1522-64, posthumous name Jukô-indono, or Lord of Jukô-in) and is one of the sub temples of Daitoku-ji in Kyoto. The main hall of Jukô-in, built in the typical architectural style of the late Muromachi period, is extant. The paintings on the walls of the hall are thought to be essentially contemporaneous with the building and they too remain in good condition. Indeed, these paintings are considered one of the benchmark works of Kano Eitoku (1543-90), a painter who defined his age. In the past there has been an ongoing debate amongst painting historians as to the date of the construction of the Jukô-in main hall, with one faction backing a date of 1566 and another 1583. However, the restoration report that set off this dating debate states that construction of the hall lasted from the end of the Eiroku period (1558-69) through the beginning of the Tenshô era (1573-1591), and thus does nothing more than indicate that the foundation date is not limited to 1566. Watanabe Yûji, the proposer of the 1583 theory, considers that there is still ample room for a reconsideration of the 1566 theory, and thus his argument is nothing more than a statement that in the extreme, 1583 could be possible. In spite of these arguments, the Jukô-in clearly existed within Daitoku-ji as an organization in 1572, as Ogawa Hiromitsu has indicated. Further, if the extant main hall dates to 1583, then it must be imagined that its state indicates that it was moved from another site or was rebuilt. However, at this point in time there has been no report of the existence of any proof or documentary support for such a state of affairs. Further, judging from the state of the inscription, 1583 might be the date in which the previous cypress-bark roof of the main hall was changed to a tile roof. Thus it is important to note that there is no evidence to confirm either hypothesis, and further, that in the Eiroku era there is no trace of the residence of either Shôrei Sôkin (1505-83), founding priest of Jukô-in, or his teacher Dairin Sôtô (1480-1568) at Jukô-in. It may be that 1566 marked the founding not of Jukôô-in, but rather that of its predecessor. Another possibility is that the founding of such a temple was conceived of in 1566 and later this date was taken as its honorary foundation date. Up until now there has been no definitive historical document directly linked to the creation of the Jukô-in main hall, and in the end, both the 1566 and the 1583 arguments remain without solid documentary evidence or circumstantial proof. At this stage, no matter what date is proposed as a production date for the Jukô-in wall panel paintings, given that there are no definitive dated inscriptions on the paintings itself, there is nothing that can extract us from a state of "nothing can be said." This author took a critical stance against the 1583 hypothesis in the exhibition review included below, and in this forum seeks a sense of direction in argument from the previously introduced information on the subject. The conclusion of this search finds that the date of 1571 can be proposed as the actual completion date of the Jukô-in main hall, based on the situation surrounding the commissioner of the Jukô-in, Miyoshi Yoshitsugu (1551-73), and the date of the portrait of Shorei Sôkin with self-colophon written in the Jukô-in main hall. It is similarly highly likely that the wall panel paintings can also be attributed to that year.

8 0 0 0 IR 自牧宗湛(上)

著者
綿田 稔
雑誌
美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies
巻号頁・発行日
no.393, pp.30-60, 2008-01-28

Sôtan (1420-1481) was a Daiô school Zen monk of the Rinzai sect, and he was a Kyoto-based painter during the mid Muromachi period. While it is known that his secular family name was Oguri, his birthplace and family's social standing are not known. Sôtan is known to have studied Zen under Yôsô Sôi of Daitoku-ji, and it is believed that he studied painting from the monk-painter Shûbun of Shôkoku-ji. He created a landscape painting with inscriptions by four Zen priests from the Chinese poetry salon of Reisen-in, Ken'nin-ji, in 1459. In 1462, he painted the Eight Views of the Xiao and Xiang on shôji sliding doors at Shôsen-ken, a building in the Untaku-ken of the Unchô-in subtemple of Shôkoku-ji temple. By that time Sôtan had already been highly praised for his genius at painting by Ashikaga Yoshimasa, the 8th shogun of the Muromachi shogunate. That same year (1462), Sôtan became a monk under Shunpo Sôki at Daitoku-ji and was dubbed Kan'ô Sôtan. Around the end of the same year he built a hermitage at Aneyakôji-Nishinotoin in the market district of Kyoto, and his new home was named Jiboku-an by Kikei Shinzui, a priest who lived at Inryô-ken in the Rokuon-in subtemple of Shokoku-ji. The following year Sôtan was appointed painter to the shogun, a position that, like that of Shûbun, the previous generation of official painter to the shogunal family, entailed the receipt of a monthly stipend and year-end bonus. In 1466 Sôtan participated in the trip to Arima (present-day part of Kobe city) for recuperative bathing taken by Kikei Shinzui, Taga Takatada, and other high-ranking members of the shogunate. Sôtan painted a view of the hot springs village as seen from in front of the Amida-dô Hall in the town. This is important as a record of an outdoor sketch of a specific landscape in Japan. During the Ônin Civil War, Sôtan evacuated to the Muromachi Palace, where the emperor and the shogun were temporarily both residing. There is one incident known from this time, when Sôtan had trouble with his hand and the shogun ordered the official doctors to heal him. Such incidents indicate the importance of Sôtan to the shogun. Records show that in addition to his work on the Shôsen-ken sliding door paintings, Sôtan also created sliding door paintings for the Takakura Palace (the later incarnation of the Karasuma Palace, which would eventually become the Imadegawa Palace), the Untaku-ken, the New Izumidono Building of the Muromachi Palace, the residence of Ino'o Yukitane, and Yôtoku-in subtemple of Daitoku-ji. The paintings for the New Izumidono Building of the Muromachi Palace were created on a commission from Ashikaga Yoshimasa to commemorate Retired Emperor GoHanazono's visit. Sporadic records of paintings by Sôtan remain until 1473, and it can be surmised that he also received a considerable stipend for his main work commissioned by Ashikaga Yoshimasa for the Kokawa Palace and the reconstructed Muromachi Palace. It is difficult to imagine that Sôtan would not have been active in the renovation of temple buildings at Daitoku-ji. Sôtan died in 1481 at the age of 69, just before Ashikaga Yoshimasa began work on the Higashiyama Palace. Sôtan had a son named Kei Gessen (also known as Kitabô) who was also a monk-painter. However, Sôtan's position as shogunal painter was not inherited by his son, he was succeeded by Kanô Masanobu in his role of official painter to the shogunal family. Kanô Masanobu was immediately put to work the wall paintings for the new Higashiyama Palace. In later years, what would become the Kanô school of painting hastened Japanese painting along the path to the premodern era. Sôtan was not only an intermediary between Shûbun and the Kanô school, he was also the central painter of Ashikaga Yoshimasa's reign as shogun. Regardless of whether or not original works remain by Sôtan, his importance in art history cannot be overemphasized. The study of Sôtan, not only the study of Shûbun, is essential for a detailed understanding of the culture that matured and flourished during Ashikaga Yoshimasa's shogunate. To understand that culture, one also must go beyond a consideration of the wasteful public cultural projects initiated by Yoshimasa, a political failure who turned his back on the world in his search for pleasure, to consider a culture not in tandem with the political failure and also not encompassed by a prejudiced term "Higashiyama Culture." Thus this article aims to organize available research materials and examine them in detail in order to create a basis for future study on Sôtan.
著者
岡塚 章子
雑誌
美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies
巻号頁・発行日
no.412, pp.71-82, 2014-03-25

On October 18, 1910, Kuroda Seiki (1866–1924) and Ogawa Kazumasa (1860–1929) were named teishitsu gigeiin, art experts in service to the Japanese imperial court.While from different fields, Western style painting and photography, a letter dated April 26, 1910 among Ogawa's letters addressed to Kuroda indicates that they were aware of each other prior to being named to their imperial household posts. The letters are about requests or thanks for gifts, and appear monthly, thus indicating that the two men were in regular contact, and this continued even after Ogawa closed his own photography studio and photoengraving company. Ogawa was six years older than Kuroda. Even though he was younger, Kuroda had spent almost a decade, from ages 18 to 27, studying in France, and taught at Tokyo Bijutsu Gakkô after his return to Japan. He was the rising star of the Western painting world in Japan, building a reputation for himself despite his youth. For Ogawa, it was an honor to become close to Kuroda, and Ogawa's respect for Kuroda can be seen in his letters. The points in common between the two men include their overseas study experience, their dauntless pursuit of new expressive methods never before seen in Japan, and their success in that endeavor. Ogawa's overseas study was not as lengthy as Kuroda's, but he set out for America in order to learn photographic techniques. After his return he used his acquired knowledge, taking photographs, and energetically developing his photographic printing and publishing work, breathing new life into the photography industry in Japan. After his return from France, Kuroda led the Japanese Western painting world into new forms of painterly expression, and thus undoubtedly felt a sense of shared closeness with Ogawa through their innovative endeavors. It is unclear when the two men met, but their critiques of photographs in the Hana-no-kage journal published by the Kakô-kai photography group started by members of the Japanese nobility provide historical materials showing their connection prior to the dates on extant letters. Their photography critiques were first published in Hana-nokage in March 1907, and thus it can be presumed that they had actually met by that time. Hana-no-kage itself was first published in 1903, and if like other photography groups of the period, the Kakô-kai held meetings, it is possible that Kuroda or Ogawa may have been invited to such meetings, and thus they may have met at an even earlier date. Ogawa Kazumasa was born in Gyoda, Musashi province (present-day Gyoda city, Saitama prefecture), and after learning the wet collodion process he left Japan for America in July 1882. In Boston he learned the collotype process and dry plate production, returning to Japan in January 1884. In 1885 he opened the Gyokujun-kan photography studio in Iida-machi 4-1, Kojimachi-ku, Tokyo. In 1888 he acted as a record photographer in the treasures survey of the Kinki region conducted by Kuki Ryûichi of the Imperial Household Agency and others, taking large numbers of photographs of ancient art works. Further utilizing the knowledge and techniques learned in America, he experimented with collotype printing, later opening the Ogawa Shashin Seihanjo (literally, Ogawa's photoengraving company) in Hiyoshi-chô, Tokyo. This led to his fullscale production of collotype printed works. This studio produced the collotype plates for the art journal Kokka, founded in October 1889. Ogawa acted as a consultant for the Bankoku-shashinkokai (international photography association) held in conjunction with the 1893 Chicago World's Fair, setting off for America once again. During this visit Ogawa learned about the halftone process, and after buying printing equipment, tools, and materials in America he returned to Japan. He began halftone-printing work in February 1894. Then during the First Sino-Japanese War (July 1894–March 1895), he produced the photographic plates for the Nisshin senso jikki (August 1894–January 1896) published by the Hakubunkan and the Tokyo Asahi Shimbun's supplement. During the Russo-Japanese War (February 1904–September 1905) he printed and published a large number of photographic albums, including the Nichirô sen'eki shashinchô (total 24 volumes, The Ordnance Survey Office, 1904–1905), Nichirô sen'eki shashinchô (Photographs by Imperial Headquarters Photographic Department, The Ordnance Survey Office, 1906), and the Nichirô sen'eki kaigun shashinchô (Ichioka Tajirô, author, 1905). In April 1905 the Great Colored Photographs Exhibition of the Russo-Japan War was held in the Number 5 building of the former exposition buildings in Ueno Park, and thus he played a major role in war journalism. For his Russo-Japanese War achievements overall, on April 1, 1906, Ogawa was awarded the Order of the Rising Sun, Gold and Silver Rays. Thanks to this recognition, he received a variety of honors, and in 1910, he was the first photographer named an art specialist in service to the imperial household. Thus Ogawa brought technologies to Japan from overseas at an early date and put them to use in the development and success of his business endeavors. In the shadows of this success however, was the support of Viscount Okabe Nagamoto (1855–1925). Viscount Okabe understood photography and himself took pictures, serving as the vice-chairman of the Nihon Shashin-kai, Japan's first such group established in 1889 with Ogawa as the organizer. In 1893 Okabe was one of the organizers of the Dai Nihon Shashin Hinpyôkai. The Hinpyôkai welcomed numerous members of the aristocracy, Tokugawa Atsuyoshi was the chairman of the group and the members of the nobility were all named honorary members. Having members of the nobility as the chairman and vice chairman probably lent authority to the group, but it was a fact that many of the nobility of the day were photographic aficionados, and that tendency can be seen amongst many of them with diplomatic or overseas study experience. They are thought to have taken photographs of scenes they witnessed while overseas and as some sort of record of their journeys, and after their return to Japan they joined photography groups that had a salon-like atmosphere and represented gatherings of intellectuals from both Japan and overseas. The Kakô-kai was the highest ranking gathering of upper class members interested in photography, and their journal, Hana-no-kage, became printed photographic compendia that allowed them to publish their photographs as they liked. Unlike ordinary photographic groups, whose membership was too large to allow compendia of works by all members, the Kakô-kai had only a small number of members, and their publications were further realized because all the members were of the same status. Not only did Kuroda Seiki provide photographic critiques for Hana-no-kage, he also acted as a judge for photographic contests held by such organizations as the Tokyo Photographic Materials Association. Kuroda, a professor at Tokyo Bijutsu Gakkô and a leading Westernstyle painter, was probably asked to be a judge in order to add tone to the contest. In the same manner, for the noble members of the Kakô-kai, having Kuroda provide photographic critiques in Hana-no-kage may have made them feel that their works would be more highly valued. This would have also been the case for photographic critiques by Ogawa, a major force in the Japanese photographic world of the day. Inviting the two men to provide critiques, and the publication itself of the Hana-no-kage, can be considered the shining moments of Japanese photography during a time when photography was still new and available to and enjoyed by only a limited number of people.
著者
染谷 香理
雑誌
美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies
巻号頁・発行日
no.414, pp.35-57, 2015-02-20

The author has assembled and analyzed a large number of technical manuals related to Japanese painting. The Enogu saishiki hitorigeiko is one such manual dating to the latter half of the Edo period, and is today in the collection of the University Library, Tokyo University of the Arts. Given the unique characteristics of this book as noted below, this article introduces the book from the author’s stance as a Nihonga painter. The Enogu saishiki hitorigeiko was written by two men, with the first half primarily written by Kansai, an Edo painter, while the notes and second half were written by Shikada Takakiyo, who is unknown except for having lived in Kyoto. The book was published in 1825 (Tenpô 5) by the Edo publisher Bunkokudô. This was a technical manual whose contents were extremely unbalanced. This imbalance can be seen in the fact that of the 23 sections of the main text, the first four sections explain the use of pigments, while the remaining 19 sections note 47 different types of materials and the amount of sizing needed for each of those types. Kanga hitorigeiko (1807) by Miyamoto Kunzan is another technical manual published around the same time that bears the term “hitorigeiko” or self-study guide in its title. Miyamoto’s book presents an exhaustive discussion of the knowledge necessary to paint pictures, namely painting theory, brush methods, picture models, painting materials, and their usage. Thus, a beginning student reading Miyamoto’s book could teach themselves, or hitorigeiko. Conversely, if students only used the Enogu saishiki hitorigeiko book, they could well be totally confused. Changing how sizing is applied depending on the materials and the thickness of paper or such is a general aspect of painting a picture, and because in most instances the differing use of amounts of nikawa (animal glue) and myôban (alum) is not as detailed as noted in this book, it is sure to invite confusion in a beginner student. In addition, because there was absolutely no inclusion in the book of the information that would be essential in a technical manual of the period -- such as the mindset needed to paint a picture, brush methods or the use of picture model books or compilations -- the careful focus on the sizing stage preparatory to painting the actual picture highlights the glaring omission of a section focusing on the details needed to paint a picture. Further, at the end of the section noting how to use pigments, the author writes “I will stop at noting that other than this method there are various means of coloring using pigments, and other secretly transmitted information is noted in detail in section two (dai ni hen).” Regardless, there seems to be no section two. We can imagine that while plans were made to write the second section, in the end it was never published. The facts related to this matter, however, remain unclear. Future research is needed to trace the reasoning behind the incomplete composition of this book and the process by which it was produced.
著者
綿田 稔
雑誌
美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies
巻号頁・発行日
no.396, pp.25-44, 2008-11-05

Jukô-in was built as the family temple in memory of Miyoshi Nagayoshi (1522-64, posthumous name Jukô-indono, or Lord of Jukô-in) and is one of the sub temples of Daitoku-ji in Kyoto. The main hall of Jukô-in, built in the typical architectural style of the late Muromachi period, is extant. The paintings on the walls of the hall are thought to be essentially contemporaneous with the building and they too remain in good condition. Indeed, these paintings are considered one of the benchmark works of Kano Eitoku (1543-90), a painter who defined his age. In the past there has been an ongoing debate amongst painting historians as to the date of the construction of the Jukô-in main hall, with one faction backing a date of 1566 and another 1583. However, the restoration report that set off this dating debate states that construction of the hall lasted from the end of the Eiroku period (1558-69) through the beginning of the Tenshô era (1573-1591), and thus does nothing more than indicate that the foundation date is not limited to 1566. Watanabe Yûji, the proposer of the 1583 theory, considers that there is still ample room for a reconsideration of the 1566 theory, and thus his argument is nothing more than a statement that in the extreme, 1583 could be possible. In spite of these arguments, the Jukô-in clearly existed within Daitoku-ji as an organization in 1572, as Ogawa Hiromitsu has indicated. Further, if the extant main hall dates to 1583, then it must be imagined that its state indicates that it was moved from another site or was rebuilt. However, at this point in time there has been no report of the existence of any proof or documentary support for such a state of affairs. Further, judging from the state of the inscription, 1583 might be the date in which the previous cypress-bark roof of the main hall was changed to a tile roof. Thus it is important to note that there is no evidence to confirm either hypothesis, and further, that in the Eiroku era there is no trace of the residence of either Shôrei Sôkin (1505-83), founding priest of Jukô-in, or his teacher Dairin Sôtô (1480-1568) at Jukô-in. It may be that 1566 marked the founding not of Jukôô-in, but rather that of its predecessor. Another possibility is that the founding of such a temple was conceived of in 1566 and later this date was taken as its honorary foundation date. Up until now there has been no definitive historical document directly linked to the creation of the Jukô-in main hall, and in the end, both the 1566 and the 1583 arguments remain without solid documentary evidence or circumstantial proof. At this stage, no matter what date is proposed as a production date for the Jukô-in wall panel paintings, given that there are no definitive dated inscriptions on the paintings itself, there is nothing that can extract us from a state of “nothing can be said.” This author took a critical stance against the 1583 hypothesis in the exhibition review included below, and in this forum seeks a sense of direction in argument from the previously introduced information on the subject. The conclusion of this search finds that the date of 1571 can be proposed as the actual completion date of the Jukô-in main hall, based on the situation surrounding the commissioner of the Jukô-in, Miyoshi Yoshitsugu (1551-73), and the date of the portrait of Shorei Sôkin with self-colophon written in the Jukô-in main hall. It is similarly highly likely that the wall panel paintings can also be attributed to that year.
著者
綿田 稔
雑誌
美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies
巻号頁・発行日
no.408, pp.105-112, 2013-01-18

The single-volume printed book introduced in this article is one of the items originally collected by Tanaka Sukeichi (1911–2000, doctor and local historian of Hagi city, Yamaguchi Prefecture), and now in the collection of the Hagi Museum. It seems that the Hanzawa family, descendants of a branch of the Unkoku family of painters who were in service to the Hagi clan during the Edo Period, gave this volume to Tanaka. This is thought to be the first volume of what would have originally been a set of three volumes, and it is made up entirely of painting method explanations. Various painting manuals are known from the Edo Period including Tosa Mitsuoki’s Honchô-gahô-taizen (1690), Kanô Einô’s Honchô-gashi (1693), Hayashi Moriatsu’s Gasen (1712), Nishikawa Sukenobu’s Gahô-saishikihô (1738) and Miyamoto Kunzan’s Kanga-hitori-geiko (1807). Though, there has yet to be a compilation of all these. This lacuna is a result of the focus of modern art history studies on painting history and theory, and thus nowadays even normal painting techniques have been largely forgotten. In the modern context, Nihonga techniques were given special status and standardized as the Japanese way of painting. Painting materials also changed dramatically. Not only was an understanding of pigments lost or neglected, but also that of brushes, painting papers and silks. Conversely, conditions were ripe for improvements in research on materials and methods, thanks to the great advances made in the technical field. However, scholars across various disciplines could not agree on the norms, and thus debate on this subject could not advance to a conclusion. While the On-e-kagami painting manual, printed in an inexpensive, popular edition, does not seem to contain any secret or proprietary techniques, it does seem to record general common sense methods. Even if the tome has limits, the accumulation of information and illumination of the standard procedures of the day surely would not be without merit for future studies.
著者
田村 悦子
雑誌
美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies
巻号頁・発行日
no.252, pp.13-31, 1968-03-25

The writer, devoted to the study of the so-called kohitsu-gire fragments of old manuscript copies of various classical works, has found a rare fragment of the Heiji Kassen Emaki or scroll paintings illustrative of the War of the Heiji era (1159 A.D.), world-famous because the first of the three existing scroll paintings is owned by the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Mass., U.S.A. The fragment is from the text which accompanied the scroll illustrating the battle of Rokuhara, Kyoto, of the Heiji War. This scroll in its integrity is now lost, and is known only by copies. This is the first time a fragment of the original text is introduced to the learned world, though small pieces of the paintings were found twenty years ago. The fragment, hitherto noticed by no art nor literature historians, can be seen without difficulty in the Shin Ga Jo album of kohitsu-gire fragments chromolithographically reproduced first in 1890 and then in 1939 by the Hongan Ji temple of the Hongan Ji Ha sect of the Shin-shu, known popularly as Nishi or Western Hongan Ji, Kyoto, Japan, probably from the originals in the possession of the temple. The writer, making into laborious tables her minute and exhaustive comparison of the calligraphy of the fragment and of each existing scroll of the Heiji Heiji differ in time of production with scrolls.paintings with one another, draws the conclusion that all the texts accompanying the Heiji paintings were written by one and the same hand. This conclusion, aided by the fact that some lines of the text are found on the same sheets of paper as the paintings and that the text and the painting ought to be contemporaneous with each other, is of great significance as it stands in the way of the new theory that the paintings of the Heiji differ in time of production with scrolls. Lastly, Miss Tamura collates critically the text of the Battle of Rokuhara Scroll with the standard current texts of the Heiji Monogatari (the Tale of Heiji), a literary account of the Heiji War. This scroll of the Heiji paintings has been neglected by students of Japanese literature.
著者
津田 徹英
雑誌
美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies
巻号頁・発行日
no.418, pp.1-37, 2016-03-18

The Ichiryû sôshô keizu ( 一流相承系図, Illustrated School Lineage, hereinafter referred to as the Illustrated Lineage) was solely used by the Meikô sect of the medieval period Shinran School, headquartered in Kamakura, as they expanded their activities to Kyoto and western Japan. The Illustrated Lineage was intended to provide a visual representation of the teachings of Shinran (1173-1263), founder of the Jôdo Shinshû Pure Land Buddhist School, which had been inherited by Meikô and were in turn conveyed to his followers. It presents an array of seated portraits across the horizontal handscroll format, with red lines connecting the individual figures. Thus the document clearly presents the connections within the lineage. When the Illustrated Lineage is used in a consideration of extant artworks, it is apparent that it was first used by the community at Bukkôji, developed by the Meikô sect and founded in Kyoto by Ryôgen (1285-1336). There are many instances where the Ichiryû sôshô keizu is known by the alternate name Ekeizu ( 絵系図, Portrait Lineage). However the Ekeizu title is a naming that appears in a criticism of the creation of the Illustrated Lineage by Kaku'nyo (1270-1351), the leader of the Honganji community that stood in opposition to the Bukkôji community. The section titled "Jodai" ( 序題, Preface), attached to the beginning of the Illustrated Lineage since its formation, uses the Ichiryû sôshô keizu title, and thus we should consider that the presenter and recipients of the scroll thought of it in those terms. Today there are seven extant versions of the Illustrated Lineage that were used by the Meikô sect. Four of those works have a preface brushed by Zonkaku (1290-1373). Of those four, the version handed down at Bukkôji, Kyoto (hereinafter referred to as the Bukkôji version) which has a preface dated to 1326 (Kareki 1), can be seen as best conveying the appearance of the original. However, today the Bukkôji version is made up of eight sheets of paper. From the fourth sheet onwards the scroll consists of sections pasted from two other illustrated lineage types. Originally the section from the fourth sheet onwards (hereinafter referred to as the Chôshôin version) was separated and handed down at Chôshôin, located in front of Bukkôji. A closer examination of the Bukkôji version and the Chôshôin version detached from it reveals an admixture of laymen and women among the seated images of priests and nuns, and this is the only extant version with this feature. This admixture corresponds to one of Kaku'nyo's criticisms of the Bukkôji community found his Kaijashô (Impeaching Misconception). However, it shows the original style of the Illustrated Lineage, so the Bukkôji version and its detached Chôshôin version can be seen as indicating the original appearance of the Illustrated Lineage. In the current survey of the Chôshôin version, the author made a number of discoveries not mentioned in previous surveys or studies of the work. This article clarifies the production process of the Chôshôin version based on these new discoveries. In addition, the article goes on to mention the Illustrated Lineage version preserved at Kôshôji, Hiroshima (hereinafter referred to as the Kôshôji version) that was the subject of a similar survey. Through the examination of these two versions, the author confirmed that the portraits presented in seated form in the illustrated lineages employed the visages of then contemporary priests, nuns and laypeople (figures shown without the shaved pate of priests) and can thus suggest that the Illustrated Lineage should be understood as part of the nise-e(likeness portrait) category of medieval Japanese painting. In both the Chôshôin version and the Kôshôji version of the Illustrated Lineage, the garments and composition of the figures are all drawn in the same stereotypical patterns. Thus the only individuality of the portraits can be found in the depiction of the faces. This characteristic is also seen in the retsu'ei zukan (handscrolls presenting seated portrait images of past emperors and ministers). I would like to emphasize here that it is only the faces in nise-e works that reflect the appearance of the actual subject. In fact, this feature of nise-e is not generally understood. This fact reminds us of the "Nyusai kanzatsu" (Nyusai's observation) scene in the Shinran den e (Illustrated Biography of Shinran), which was planned and accompanied by text written by the abovementioned Kaku'nyo. Only Shinran's face appears in that scene, his whole body is not depicted. This can be said to correctly convey how nise-e were produced. In addition, if we also consider that the Illustrated Lineage is presented as a handscroll of seated portraits, then that handling can clearly be linked to the lineage of the above-mentioned retsu'ei zukan scrolls of seated portraits of past emperors and ministers.

2 0 0 0 IR 自牧宗湛(中)

著者
綿田 稔
雑誌
美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies
巻号頁・発行日
no.394, pp.1-40, 2008-03-28

For résumé, see Bijutsu Kenkyu No. 393
著者
関 千代
雑誌
美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies
巻号頁・発行日
no.195, pp.15-45, 1958-03-12

Japanese painting has a unique field of subject matters not found in arts of other countries : bijin-ga ("beautiful-women-picture"), depiction of idealized types of feminine beauty which is not necessarily portrayal of real women. Bijin-ga in and after the "early modern" periods (mid-sixteenth to mid-ninteenth centuries) can be roughly classified into two groups; one along the line of Ukiyo-e which had developed chiefly in Edo, and the other of the Bijin-ga within the realm of traditional Japanese painting which had achieved progress through the centuries in Kyoto and its vicinity. The former, which influenced upon Impressionistic artists of the west, evolved distinctive unconventional styles. Utamaro, Harunobu and others are representative of this group. The latter, enhanced by artists of the Maruyama and Shijō Schools during the early modern periods, is characterized by noble grace derived from the elegant style of traditional art. The art of UEMURA Shōen (1875-1949) sprang out of the latter. She created her original type of bijin-ga in contemporary Japanese painting, and won high fame in the art world of the Meji (1868-1911), Taishō (1912-1925) and Shōwa (1926-) eras. Since little girlhood she liked painting. After graduating from a primary school she entered the Kyoto Prefectural School of Painting, which had only a very few girl students, but soon left it and became a pupil of SUZUKI Shōnen. Later on, she studied under KŌNO Bairei, an artist of the Maruyama-Shijo School, and subsequently after his death under TAKEUCHI Seihō, a pupil of Bairei. Her style, starting with the traditional Suzuki, Maruyama and Shijo Schools, was an accumulation of all styles of Japanese painting. Her works manifest the influence also at work of Ukiyo-e and illustrations in picture-books and story-books which were in vogue during the Edo Period. Her interest in the No play was also instrumental in establishing her distinctive art. The present writer divides the period of Shōen's activity into three epochs. The first covers from the time she entered the School of Painting to the beginning of the Governmental art exhibition known as Bun-ten (meaning Education Ministry Exhibition of Arts). This was a sort of a period of training for the artist, during which she at first worked in the rigid brushwork learned from the triditional art and later began to assimilate modern realistic representation. The second epoch, extending over the Taisho era, was the period in which her art achieved maturity in certain respects. Her paintings in this period, such as "Miyuki" and "Mai-jitaku", are notably rich in sweet delicacy. The third epoch was the period of perfection. "Sōshi-arai Komachi", "Yūgure" and other works in this period, especially those after 1935, reveal free, strong drawing and refined colouring: these characteristics as well as her symbolically simplified portrayal have succeeded in establishing a modern type of bijin-ga with an effect of nobleness and profoundness. Shōen was active throughout her life as an artist working for the Governmental exhibitions. In 1941, she was nominated a member of the Imperial Academy of Arts (Teikoku Geijutsu-in); in 1944, a Court Artist; and in 1948, the year before her death, she was awarded with the Cultural Decoration, the highest of honours for Japanese artists. Two exhibitions of her paintings were held after her death, with an illustrated catalogue published each time.
著者
白畑 よし
雑誌
美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies
巻号頁・発行日
no.193, pp.35-51, 1957-11-07

The decoration of the Sanjūrokunin Kashū in the Honganji Collectioh has been widely known as one of the most ornate of the kind, executed with the utmost employment of all varieties of materials and techniques available at the time of its making (about 1110-1118). This fact has heretofore been simply explained as illustrative of the aesthetic taste in the Heian Period, but according to the present author's opinion they are designed in conformity with the classifications of subject matters of the poems in the Kokin Waka Rokujō (Kokin Anthology in Six Volumes). The Kokin Waka Rokujō was compiled at the time when the Kokin Waka-shū was edited; it classifies the poems therein, after the model of the Chinese Hakushi Rokujō (in Chinese; Pai Shih Liu T'ieh, poems by Pai Lo-t'ien in six volumes), into five hundred odd groups by their subject matters. The major subject groups in the Kokin Waka Rokujō are the four seasons, which constitute the most conspicuous aspects of nature, and love, which is the most vehement of human sensations. The five sections richest in descriptive elements among the decorative patterns in the San jūrokunin Kashū, Honganji version, can be interpreted to represent these five major subjects: the cherry-blossoms (spring) for the Yoshinobu-shū (collected poems by Yoshinobu), the boat and reeds (summer) for the Shigeyuki-shū, the reeds and waves (autumn) for the Nobuaki-shū, the sparrows and bamboos (winter) for the Motozane-shū, and the child embracing a cat (love) for the Yoshinobu-shū. The scenes of the four seasons are drawn under poems and prose writings which refer in some way or other to the objects or sights involved; the pictures themselves also convey the atmospheres of respective seasons. The picture of a child with a cat can be reasonably associated with Kashiwagi, the hero of one of the love romances told in the famous Tales of Genji. Drawings connected with poetry in the Heian Period, termed uta-e ("poem-pictures") or ashide-e ("reed-manner pictures", drawings with characters or letters from the text of poems concealed scattered among them), mostly contain some literary puzzles to be solved on the part of the observer. The underdrawings in the San jūrokunin Kashū under discussion are examples of the sort. It is to be noted that they comprise two different kinds: one reflecting the manner of the Chinese Sung painting, and the other in the pure Japanese style which has something in common with the paintings illustrating the Tales of Genji traditionally attributed to FUJIWARA Takayoshi. Many of the decorations in the subject work, either drawn with the brush or presented by scattered sand- or thread -like strips of gold and silver leaf, represent realistically or symbolically the sub-divisions of the seasonal subject matters in the Kokin Waka Rokujō, such as rain, wind, snow, haze, and storm, as well as such sights of nature as the river, sea, water-stream, mountain, rice-field, grassy plain, flowers, butterflies, insects, etc. These seasonal aspects of nature are beautifully conventionalized to create a rhythmical variety, and the texts of the poems in kana are inscribed over them in flowing cursive script to match the rhythms of the decoration. The feelings of the four seasons here appear to convey the atmosphere of the old capital Kyoto, where they are enhanced by its beautiful sceneries.
著者
辻 惟雄
雑誌
美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies
巻号頁・発行日
no.225, pp.31-39, 1963-10-30

Much is left unknown about the life and career of IWASA Matabei (1578—1650), the artist famous for the popular belief that he was the originator of Ukiyo-e. Information about his life at Fukui, more especially, where he spent more than twenty years, is almost entirely absent. In this respect the document discussed here, preserved at the Hōunji in Fukui Prefecture, is very inspiring. This manuscript is a duplicate of a written statement presented in 1633 from the Hōun-ji to MATSUDAIRA Tadamasa, ruler of the Fukui Fief, describing a dispute between the Hōun-ji and the Senshū-ji, a temple at Ishinden in Mie Prefecture with which it competed for position as the head temple of the Takata School of Shingon Buddhism. The sentence at the end proves that this statement was hand-written by Matabei on behalf of the temple authorities. Comparison of the calligraphic style of this manuscript with that of other existing examples of Matabei's calligraphy ―― the inscriptions on his portraits of Hitomaro and Tsurayuki, and a letter written by him in his late years, both being in the collection of the Atami Art Museum ―― reveals many distinctive characteristics in common between them. Another evidence of his calligraphic style is the Kaikoku Michi no Ki, an itinerary in Matabei's own handwriting describing his travel in 1639 from Fukui to Edo (Tokyo). Unfortunately this itinerary is now somewhere in America and its present location is unknown (according to one theory, it was formerly in the collection of Mr. Charles J. Morse), but comparison between a small photogravure reproduction of a part of it and the manuscript under discussion shows obvious identity of calligraphic style. These materials establish with fair accuracy that the newly discovered manuscript is by Matabei's hand. Though its contents do not have direct connection with Matabei's biography, this manuscript is a material evidence proving that he was staying at Fukui in about 1633 and that he had certain relation with the Fukui Fief. It is valuable as one of the few authentic specimens of his calligraphy, and is an interesting source of information proving that he was esteemed by local people not only as a mere artist but as an intelligent man from the metropolis, Kyoto.
著者
秋山 光和
雑誌
美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies
巻号頁・発行日
no.335, pp.1-14, 1986-03-31

This painting on silk (plates I~V) is presently mounted as a kakemono measuring 81.9cm inheight and 40.0cm in width. The scene uses a bird's eye view and oblique composition to depict a country mountain retreat in the snow. Despite the simplicity of the buildings and the mountainous area which is shown outside the wall to lower right, this painting had been mistakenly attributed since the 19th century to be a scene in the Kyoto Imperial Palace. It is probably for the above reasons that it was considered more appropriate to give this painting the general title of Nobleman's Mansion when it became classified as an Important Cultural Property in 1959. When last fall I was given the opportunity to more carefully examine this work rarely shown to the public, I noticed several points which immediately connected its subject matter to the famous 83rd chapter of the "Tales of Ise". The "Tales of Ise", a collection of brief lyrical episodes built around one or more poems, was compiled over the 10th century and has since held high acclaim throughout Japanese cultural history as one of the country's most important pieces of classical literature. Its various famous scenes have been illustrated in painting since the Heian period. The 83rd chapter describes the following story: the great poet and hero of the "Tales of Ise", Ariwara-noNarihira and Prince Koretaka of the imperial line shared a close bond of friendship thanks to their common love of poetry. Yet, this prince, extremely disappointed at having lost the chance to acceed to the throne, suddenly took the tonsure and cloistered himself in an isolated mountain retreat at the foot of Mt. Hiei in the northern part of Kyoto at Ono. The following New Year, Narihira travelled across mountain paths in snow to pay a sad visit to this solitary Prince. The poem which Narihira composed after returning from his visit was so touching that it became one of the most loved of all in this literary work.* If one looks carefully at the details of this painting, one can easily identify the three figures who have just passed through the gate in the upper left-hand corner. From their dress and posture one can see that they are Narihira and his two attendant companions. The principal building inside the inner wall is done in shinden style and is apparently that of the hermitage of Prince Koretaka from its modest but refined construction and the fragile fence (tatejitomi) enclosing it from the outside world. The delicate expression produced by very fine lines and the harmonious colors accentuated by touches of white snow impart a sense of poetic melancholy to the entire scene. Based on style and technique, this refined painting must have been produced, in my opinion, by a high-ranking court painter in the second-half of the 13th century. Furthermore, I feel that this oblong composition probably originally was one panel of a silk screen which would have been three shaku high sanjaku byōbu). It is possible that this screen was made up of six panels, each representing one of six well-known chapters from the "Tales of Ise". These six scenes would have been laid out according to the four seasons, beginning with a spring scene on the right and ending with this winter scene, the only one surviving today, which would have been on the far left. Thus, this work which has received very little attention until today may nevertheless have a very important and unique position in Japanese art history of the Kamakura period as one of the earliest illustrations on silk from the "Tales of Ise". * Narihira's poem is translated as follows by Helen Craig McCullough: When for an instant I forget, / How like a dream it seems....../ Never could I have imagined / That I would plod through snowdrifts / To see my Lord.
著者
久野 健
雑誌
美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies
巻号頁・発行日
no.304, pp.29-30, 1977-03-31

The image of Buddha-at-Birth, introduced here, was excavated at the Kuze Temple Site at Kuze, Jōyō City, near Kyoto. Jōyō City, abundant in ancient temple and in dwelling sites. is now under development as a satellite town of Kyoto and Osaka. Since February 1975, the Board of Education has excavated many of these archaeological sites, among which was the Kuze Temple Site which contained earth podiums of the Golden Hall and the Pagoda. This temple seems to have had a Hokkeji type layout of buildings. On the north side of the South Great Gate site of the temple, this image was unearthed on March 31, 1975. It is almost perfect except that its right arm which points to heaven is about to break near the elbow. A long tenon behind the head suggests that it originally had a halo, though it is now missing. Most of the images of Buddha-at-Birth from the seventh and eighth centuries are in bad condition having suffered from fire. This one, however, has no trace of having been burned and has the bright colour of gilding. This image measures 11.5 cm from the tip of the right hand pointing to heaven to the bottom of the stem of the lotus pedestal, and 7 cm from the top of the head to the bottom of the feet. As is usual with such small images, the entire image is cast in one mould, perhaps in the lost-wax technique. Thick gilding is done not only over the Buddha himself, but also over the lotus pedestal and its stem. In this paper, the author discusses the art his torical significance of the image in relation to the other Buddha-at-Birth images from the seventh and eighth centuries. Generally speaking, those of the Asuka, Hakuhō and Nara Periods gradually changed from slender proportions to more rounded proportions. The skirts of earlier ones are generally short and expose both legs; the skirts of later figures gradually became longer until they reached the ankles. At the same time, drapery-folds changed from symmetrical to more irregular and complicated forms. The image of Buddha-at-Birth excavated at the Kuze Temple Site has a comparatively long, fully modelled head with a healthy countenance and a well-built body. The skirt it wears is long and reaches the ankles. These characteristics indicate that perhaps this image is not of the Hakuhō Period but of the next Nara Period. This presumption meets with the date of the roof tiles from this temple site.
著者
田中 淳
雑誌
美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies
巻号頁・発行日
no.393, pp.61-78, 2008-01-28

This review considers three recent retrospective exhibitions that featured the arts of three painters whose oeuvres span the early Shốwa era from the Second Sino-Japanese War through World War II through the contemporary age.1. Kojima Zenzaburô, Tsuruoka Masao, Ai-Mitsu This section presents a review of three retrospective exhibitions and their catalogues seen by the author in June and July 2007. "Pastoral Splendor-KOJIMA Zenzaburo 1893-1962," Fuchû Art Museum, Tokyo "TSURUOKA Masao A Centenary Retrospective," Museum of Modern Art, Kamakura "AI-MITSU," National Museum of Modern Art, Tokyo These exhibitions allowed visitors to consider how each of these painters experienced the war time years as a "simple soldier," particularly as seen in a work exhibited in the Tsuruoka exhibition, Turned Head (1950, bronze).2. The Novelist Hino Ashihei as the same kind of "soldier" Hino Ashihei (1907-1959) was born in 1907, the same year as Tsuruoka (1907-1979) and Ai-Mitsu (1907-1946). The three men were all drafted in the same year and the novelist Hino was sent to the Chinese continent as a "simple soldier." During his time in the military Hino was awarded the Akutagawa Prize and then transferred to the army press corps where he wrote and published his work whose title can be translated as Wheat and Soldiers. This record of his time in the military quickly became a best seller in Japan. However, the text published at the time was censored by the military and many sections were removed. After the war, the author restored it to its original form, including the final section about the execution of prisoners. Reading Hino's work provides an opportunity for consideration from a different vantage point of how an artist experienced war as a "simple soldier."3. Lost Lives, Lost Works I found out something I did not know at the Ai-Mitsu exhibition. This was the existence of a doctor named Kurokawa Setsuji who supported artists such as Ai-Mitsu in Ai-Mitsu's hometown of Hiroshima. Kurokawa ran a clinic and collected art as an art aficionado. Part of his collection was evacuated from the city just a week before the bomb was dropped and remains extant today. Kurokawa himself, and his clinic, were at ground zero in Hiroshima and Kurokawa lost his life when the bomb was dropped. On the other hand, I did know that the younger brother of Kawakami Ryôka (1887-1921) lived in Hiroshima and preserved the works created by his late brother. Just as Ryôka's works were being assembled for evacuation, they were lost to the bomb. How, indeed, should we consider these quirks of fate, both human fate and the fate of art works. This review thus includes critiques of the retrospective exhibitions of three painters, while also considering the effects of war on artists and their works.
著者
中川 千咲
雑誌
美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies
巻号頁・発行日
no.235, pp.8-18, 1965-03-31

Handicraft designs of the Momoyama Period are gorgeous and fresh and mark an epoch in the history of Japanese handwork. The Kōdaiji has a household shrine with makie (lacquer painted and decorated in gold) dated 1596 and furniture with makie which was used by TOYOTOMI, Hideyoshi (1536—1598, a war lord) which exemplify the handicrafts of that period. Lacquer wares of the same style and technique are, in general, called "Kōdaiji makie." In this paper the author discusses the characteristics of the design of an ink-slab box of this style in relation to the makie wares in the Kōdaiji. In the Kōdaiji, there is a letter box with the same kind of decoration as this ink-slab box. Both of them have diagonally divided picture planes; a section on the ink-slab box has a design of pine trees imitating the Kano School painting of that time, and one on the letter box has the same kind of bamboo design. Both show a traditional taste. In another section of the former, stemmed chrysanthemums and other flowers are patternistically rendered and in another section of the latter, autumn grasses are represented in a naturalistic way but with the same kind of patternistic flowers and leaves. The style and the technique of both are quite similar. And, further, the design of autumn grasses of the letter box has characteristics in common with that of the household shrine, which is stylistically close to the paintings of the Kano School of the day. These facts suggest that the design of the chrysanthemum of the ink-slab box has some relation to contemporary painting. The method of decoration using diagonal divisions is said to have been borrowed from the design pattern of costumes. But since it has earlier example in makie works of the Muromachi Period, the author considers that those now in question are a development of them. In other words, the design of this inkslab box combines two kinds of design principles. One is a pattern borrowed from the then prosperous Kano School of painting and is traditional in compositional method and technique. The other also is based on the Kano School of painting but is stylistically newer and bolder. It is said that KANO, Mitsunobu (1561—1608), a famous painter of the Kano School, may have some connection with the makie designs of the Kōdaiji. Although there may be that kind of possibility, no one has clarified it. The household shrine was made by Chōan, the seventh master of the Kōami Family (1569–1610), and others; and other pieces of furniture are also said to have been made by the same people. This inkslab box also must have the same origin. However, judging from the rigidity of the expression, it may date from a little later. The platform on which the household shrine is placed also has makie design and an inscription. The inscription suggests that it was made by a group led by a younger brother of Chōan. On the other hand a priest's chair is decorated with several patterns of different quality from the others. As Chōgen (died in 1607), a younger brother of Chōan, created a unique design, there is a probability that he had some relation to it.
著者
中川 千咲
雑誌
美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies
巻号頁・発行日
no.235, pp.8-18, 1965-03-31

Handicraft designs of the Momoyama Period are gorgeous and fresh and mark an epoch in the history of Japanese handwork. The Kōdaiji has a household shrine with makie (lacquer painted and decorated in gold) dated 1596 and furniture with makie which was used by TOYOTOMI, Hideyoshi (1536—1598, a war lord) which exemplify the handicrafts of that period. Lacquer wares of the same style and technique are, in general, called “Kōdaiji makie.” In this paper the author discusses the characteristics of the design of an ink-slab box of this style in relation to the makie wares in the Kōdaiji. In the Kōdaiji, there is a letter box with the same kind of decoration as this ink-slab box. Both of them have diagonally divided picture planes; a section on the ink-slab box has a design of pine trees imitating the Kano School painting of that time, and one on the letter box has the same kind of bamboo design. Both show a traditional taste. In another section of the former, stemmed chrysanthemums and other flowers are patternistically rendered and in another section of the latter, autumn grasses are represented in a naturalistic way but with the same kind of patternistic flowers and leaves. The style and the technique of both are quite similar. And, further, the design of autumn grasses of the letter box has characteristics in common with that of the household shrine, which is stylistically close to the paintings of the Kano School of the day. These facts suggest that the design of the chrysanthemum of the ink-slab box has some relation to contemporary painting. The method of decoration using diagonal divisions is said to have been borrowed from the design pattern of costumes. But since it has earlier example in makie works of the Muromachi Period, the author considers that those now in question are a development of them. In other words, the design of this inkslab box combines two kinds of design principles. One is a pattern borrowed from the then prosperous Kano School of painting and is traditional in compositional method and technique. The other also is based on the Kano School of painting but is stylistically newer and bolder. It is said that KANO, Mitsunobu (1561—1608), a famous painter of the Kano School, may have some connection with the makie designs of the Kōdaiji. Although there may be that kind of possibility, no one has clarified it. The household shrine was made by Chōan, the seventh master of the Kōami Family (1569–1610), and others; and other pieces of furniture are also said to have been made by the same people. This inkslab box also must have the same origin. However, judging from the rigidity of the expression, it may date from a little later. The platform on which the household shrine is placed also has makie design and an inscription. The inscription suggests that it was made by a group led by a younger brother of Chōan. On the other hand a priest's chair is decorated with several patterns of different quality from the others. As Chōgen (died in 1607), a younger brother of Chōan, created a unique design, there is a probability that he had some relation to it.
著者
綿田 稔
雑誌
美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies
巻号頁・発行日
no.405, pp.25-46, 2012-01-13

Sesshû Tâyô (1420-1502/06?) was a Zen monk who painted during the latter half of the 15th century, during Japan's Muromachi period. Labeled a painting master and a painting great in Japan today, our previous understanding of Sesshû has been little more than a tentative analysis, framed in the limited image of the modern “artist.” This is true to the extent that there are no records today that give us a definitive answer about how Sesshû or his paintings were understood by his contemporaries. In order to create a more realistic evaluation of this painter, we must first examine the known facts behind his rale. As such, in this case, all we have are Sesshû's actual remaining works. Indeed, the extant works are nothing more than a fragment of his full output. The oeuvre does not tell us about Sesshû the artist or Sesshû the man. Indeed our understanding of Sesshû himself is but a rough sketch, given that the information remaining about him is quite fragmentary. Imagining a whole from these few and disparate parts can provide some feedback on that fragmentary understanding. This then enriches the overall image, and in turn, enriches our understanding. In this process we can become aware of fragments that had not been previously acknowledged. Different viewpoints are linked at unexpected places and gradually that which is grasped of the entirety grows. In this process it is necessary to reposition, redefine individual facts, whether his paintings or even Sesshû himself. This article is such a study, and there is the impression that at last certain of the fragments are linked up. Then, advancing from the process of individual proof, I would like to advance to the stage of gathering up the fragments while considering the entire image. This article attempts to position Sesshû as one of the countless kanga-shi (Chinese-like style painters, or painters who were of military class background who painted in a Chinese-like style), who existed across the history of Japan. This process will reconsider the Handscroll of Landscape of the Four Seasons (also known simply as the Long Landscape Scroll, dated to the 12th month of 1486, Mohri Museum), from the vantage point of a kanga-shi painter. In fact, historical documents exist that suggest that around the spring of 1487 Sesshû painted landscapes in the style of Xia Gui on the shôji sliding door panels for Ôuchi Masahiro (1446–1495). This evidence of Sesshü's actual role as a kanga-shi painter can also clarify the meaning of the Long Landscape Scroll, a work painted immediately before the Ôuchi work and one consisting of landscapes in the Xia Gui style. Undoubtedly, around the time when Sesshû was painting the Long Landscape Sscroll, he would have had a variety of information regarding the paintings of the Chinese Southern Song painter Xia Gui that he would have received from the Ôuchi family that commissioned the shôji works. This would have added to the knowledge Sesshû already had of Xia Gui style, and would have lead to the creation of the Long Landscape Scroll, which acted as a gahon (pictorial model) of Xia Gui's landscape style, a tool for his painting studio. Rather than just Sesshû's own self-determination, it would be closer to the truth to say that Ôuchi Masahiro ordered Sesshû to make such gahon, expecting it would be a tool for use by the next generation. In addition to the Long Landscape Scroll, there are several other extant works that could be considered pictorial models for Sesshû. And indeed, the majority of extant Sesshû works fall into this gahon category, and Sesshû is not unique in this regard. These materials can be considered the best tool for us today to reconsider Sesshû in his true historical perspective as a kanga-shi painter, the system in which he worked and the pictures he produced within those conditions.
著者
松島 健
雑誌
美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies
巻号頁・発行日
no.341, pp.36-43, 1988-02-29

The pagoda of the Ishiyamadere, Shiga, is well known as a monument from the beginning of the Kamakura Period, but the Mahāvairocana statue, the main image in it, had not fully attracted the attention of scholars. By the examination of the author's team, the inscription including Kaikei's religious name "Annamidabutsu" was found inside its head and it became clear that the sculpture is a work made by Kaikei no later than the second year of Shōgen Era (1208). The inscription does not refer to the background of production, but a cited name which seems to read "Nun Kakunin" is perhaps one of the donors. It reminds one of a woman called the nun of Kamegayatsu, mentioned in Ishiyamdera Engi (Origin and Histrory of the Ishiyamadera) as a wet nurse of MINAMOTO no Yoritomo, the first shogun of Kamakura Shogunate. For, according to this literature, Chikayoshi NAKAHARA, a subject of the Shogunate, won a battle by the protection of Vaišravana of the Ishiyamadera and founded the Shōnan-in section of the temple around the Kenkyū Era (1190-1199) and furthermore he and his wife, "the nun of Kamegayatsu", constructed the pagoda, putting the hair of Yoritomo in the hollow of the Mahāvairocana, its main image. The fact that the platform in the pagoda bears a dated inscription of the fifth year of Kenkyū Era (1194) coincides with the description in Ishiyama dera Engi and the author considers that it could well be the case that Chikayoshi NAKAHARA and his wife were actually involved in the construction of the pagoda and the donation of its main image. It is likely that Chikayoshi NAKAHARA became acquainted with Priest Chōgen who reconstructed the Tōdaiji perhaps through his partial patronage of the producition of a new image of Ākāśagarbha in the Tōdaiji's Great Buddha Hall. He ascended Mt. Koya to invite Chōgen, who had receded to Mt. Kōya as a hermit, by the order of Yoritomo and succeeded in it. "Namuamidabutsu..." seen in the inscription may be a pseudonym of Priest Chōgen. The author imagines that Chōgen, asked by Chikayoshi, took charge of the ritual essential to the preparation or the dedicaiton of the image. The author also theorizes that Kaikei, the sculptor, too, might have been recommended by Chōgen. An inscription of the time of repairs probably in Keian Era (1648-1652) is inside the image and the over-lacquer gilding, the fine cut-leaf patterns and the base of the mandorla seem to be from the time of repairs.