著者
角田 勝久
出版者
ASSOCIATION FOR CALLIGRAPHIC STUDIES
雑誌
書学書道史研究 (ISSN:18832784)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2012, no.22, pp.95-112, 2012

One of Aizu Yaichi's 會津八一 sobriquets was Konsai 渾齋, which was based on a tablet for which Wu Changshuo 呉昌碩 wrote the calligraphy. In other words, Aizu had a deep interest in Wu Changshuo. In this article, I accordingly examine the relationship between Aizu and Wu Changshuo.<br>  When one examines works by Aizu of which the date of composition is known, one finds works from the Taisho era that were produced on the basis of the layout of paintings with poetic inscriptions by Wu Changshuo. Further, some of his postwar poetic inscriptions for paintings consisting of <i>waka</i> 和歌 poems have been executed with innovative ideas by incorporating, for example, the layout of works by Wu Changshuo. When considered in this light, it could be said that from his forties in the Taisho era until his later years after the war Aizu regarded Wu Changshuo's works as an important object of consideration when producing his own works.<br>  In June 1949 Aizu had a talk at the head office of the publishing house Chuo Koronsha 中央公論社 with Qian Shoutie 錢痩鐵, a pupil of Wu Changshuo who was visiting Japan at the time. During their talk, Aizu put forward the view that true originality cannot be born from only imitating calligraphers of yore. In the past, calligraphers had spent the greater part of their training in copying the works of past masters. But Aizu flatly rejected this mode of practice to be seen in some calligraphers which was overly focused on imitating people of yore.<br>  When one reads this dialogue from 1949 it is evident that Aizu had recognized that originality is not born solely from imitation through the works of Wu Changshuo, who had devoted his life to the copying of the stone-drum inscriptions (<i>shiguwen</i> 石鼓文). In other words, according to Aizu, it was important to assimilate the classics, but at the same time a stance unshackled by them was necessary when composing one's own works. Wu Changshuo was for Aizu an object of consideration not only when producing his own works, but also for establishing his own ideas about the production of works of calligraphy.
著者
山本 まり子
出版者
ASSOCIATION FOR CALLIGRAPHIC STUDIES
雑誌
書学書道史研究 (ISSN:18832784)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2014, no.24, pp.29-41,118, 2014

Previous studies on the text of the Konoe 近衛 manuscript of the <i>Wakan rōeishū</i> 和漢朗詠集 have been published by Horibe Shōji 堀部正二 and Katagiri Yōichi 片桐洋一. Horibe argued that the Konoe manuscript and the Detchōbon 粘葉本, Iyo-gire 伊予切, and Hōrinji-gire 法輪寺切 manuscripts belong to "completely the same line" of manuscripts, while Katagiri too wrote that "the texts of the Detchōbon manuscript and Konoe manuscript coincide even in minor points" and are "completely similar."<br>  In this article, having been able to examine some materials not consulted by Horibe and Katagiri, I reexamine with respect to both format and text the position of the Konoe manuscript among manuscripts considered to have been copied during the Heian period, with a focus on its relationship with the Detchōbon, Iyo-gire, and Hōrinji-gire manuscripts. My findings can be summarized under the following three points.<br>  (1) Regarding the presence or absence of particular lines of verse, if one excludes special cases, the Konoe manuscript coincides with the Detchōbon, Iyo-gire, and Hōrinji-gire manuscripts. However, some minor differences were found between the Konoe manuscript and the Detchōbon and Iyo-gire manuscripts.<br>  (2) As for the arrangement of the poems, the Konoe manuscript coincides completely with the Detchōbon, Iyo-gire, and Hōrinji-gire manuscripts.<br>  (3) As regards individual textual differences, the Konoe manuscript and the Det-chōbon, Iyo-gire, and Hōrinji-gire manuscripts share many identical passages, but some differences were also found, and in content too it would seem that the Konoe manuscript is different in character from the other manuscripts.<br>  It has thus become clear that while the Konoe manuscript belongs to the same line of manuscripts as the Detchōbon, Iyo-gire, and Hōrinji-gire manuscripts, it differs somewhat in character from these three manuscripts.
著者
柿木原 くみ
出版者
ASSOCIATION FOR CALLIGRAPHIC STUDIES
雑誌
書学書道史研究 (ISSN:18832784)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2009, no.19, pp.9-22, 2009

The Chinese seal engraver Qian Shoutie 銭痩鉄 met in Shanghai the Japanese painter Hashimoto Kansetsu 橋本関雪, who invited him to his home in Kyoto, where Qian Shoutie resided for a time, carving seals for Kansetsu and his acquaintances and gaining a good reputation and trust among Japanese men of culture. Around the same time, the popular Japanese author Tanizaki Jun'ichiro 谷崎潤一郎 had asked a friend living in Shanghai to have an address seal and name seal made for him. The engraver commissioned by Tanizaki's friend was Qian Shoutie, and upon receiving the seals, Tanizaki extended his interests to the field of seal engraving. Tanizaki amused himself in the miniature world of seals and came into contact with a great many seal engravers.<br>  Donald Keene has written of Tanizaki's works that they should be savoured in their individually published editions rather than in the form of his collected works. This is because Tanizaki's almost obsessive passion was poured into every aspect of the content and binding of his works. <br>  In this article, basing myself on the association between the three artists Hashimoto, Qian Shoutie and Tanizaki and the inner depth of this association, I inquire into the engraver of the author's seals on the colophons of first editions of Tanizaki's works, and I also consider the seals used by Tanizaki for his personal use.
著者
尾川 明穂
出版者
ASSOCIATION FOR CALLIGRAPHIC STUDIES
雑誌
書学書道史研究 (ISSN:18832784)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2010, no.20, pp.11-25, 2010

In this article I trace changes in Dong Qichang's 董其昌 perceptions of the reception of old techniques on the basis of his dated writings dealing with calligraphic and painting theory up until his mid-fifties. 1 confirm (1) changes in his perception of a change from the faithful transmission of old techniques to innovations in old techniques, and I then ascertain when (2) his viewpoint of differences according to historical periods and (3) his differentiation of the relative merits of early calligraphers appeared in his perception of innovations in old techniques. Further, with respect to the theory of Northern and Southern schools of painting, said to have been put forward by Dong Qichang, I suggest when he may have proposed this theory and ascertain that it does not conflict with my conjectural results regarding the above changes in his view of innovations in old techniques. I also take up for consideration passages in his writings that show evidence of his theory about the distinctive character of the calligraphy of particular periods, verifying their reliability in light of the circumstances regarding the above changes in his perceptions, and I further examine the question of whether he regarded the calligraphy of the Tang 唐 or the Song 宋 as superior, a question about which there has been no consensus in the past.<br>   The results of my investigations were as follows. It is to be surmised that the changes concerning (1) occurred between the ages of 37 and 44 with regard to calligraphy and at the age of 42-43 with regard to painting. I was able to confirm that the emergence of his viewpoint regarding (2) occurred at the age of 48 or later in the case of calligraphy and at the age of 51 in the case of painting. The differentiation of (3) can be seen at the age of 48 for both calligraphy and painting and would seem to have been discussed from this time onwards. Changes in his view of innovations in old techniques occurred at roughly the same time in his theories about both calligraphy and painting, and this would suggest that his views of calligraphy and painting were inseparable. As regards his proposal of a theory of Northern and Southern schools of painting, I surmise that this took place in the third month of his 45th year. This is not inconsistent with changes in his above view of innovations in old techniques and may be considered to guarantee the validity of my conjectures regarding both. With regard to his theory about the distinctive character of the calligraphy of particular periods, having ascertained in light of their dates and content that the writings in question are indeed by Dong Qichang, I take the view that, at least when he proposed this theory, he rated the calligraphy of the Tang dynasty more highly than that of the Song dynasty.