著者

Teresa S. Encarnacion Tadem

出版者

Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University

雑誌

Southeast Asian Studies (ISSN:21867275)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, no.1, pp.35-71, 2016 (Released:2016-05-20)

参考文献数

35

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The influence of a technocratic network in the Philippines that was formed around Cesar E. A. Virata, prime minister under Ferdinand Marcos, rose during the martial law period (1972–86), when technocracy was pushed to the forefront of economic policy making. Applying concepts of networks, this essay traces the rise and eventual collapse of Virata’s network to a three-dimensional interplay of relationships—between Virata and Marcos, Virata and the International Monetary Fund and World Bank, and Marcos and the United States. Virata’s close links to social, academic, US, and business community networks initially thrust him into government, where he shared Marcos’s goal of attracting foreign investments to build an export-oriented economy. Charged with obtaining IMF and World Bank loans, Virata’s network was closely joined to Marcos as the principal political hub. Virata, however, had to contend with the networks of Marcos’s wife, Imelda, and the president’s “chief cronies.” While IMF and World Bank support offered Virata some leverage, his network could not control Imelda Marcos’s profligacy or the cronies’ sugar and coconut monopolies. In Virata’s own assessment, his network was weakened when Marcos’s health failed during an economic crisis in 1981 and after Benigno Aquino’s assassination in 1983. In those crises, Imelda Marcos’s network and Armed Forces Chief of Staff General Fabian Ver’s faction of the military network took power amidst the rise of an anti-dictatorship movement. The United States’ switch of support from Marcos to Corazon Aquino sealed the demise of Virata’s network.

著者

Erwin S. Fernandez

出版者

Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University

雑誌

Southeast Asian Studies (ISSN:21867275)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.1, pp.185-188, 2012-04-30 (Released:2017-03-30)

著者

Elmina Rayah Dizon Maniago

出版者

Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.4, pp.494-518, 2007-03-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

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What conditions have made it possible for television celebrities to enter politics? Why are there many Filipino celebrities who are elected as national government officials? Most political analysts and media critics devoted time in analyzing public approval ratings and ad spending during the campaign period to understand voting behavior and political choice. While those studies may also be helpful, they do not cover the overall set-up that contributes to the rising trend of celebrity politicians. This article offers to fill a gap in current scholarship on celebrity politician phenomenon by identifying factors that affect the communication process between the celebrity candidate and voters even BEFORE the official campaign starts. For this reason, I chose to loosely base my framework on DavidBerlo's Source-Message-Channel-Receiver (SMCR) communication model. I found out that 1) the socio-cultural and political backgrounds of Source and Receiver; 2) the social role and spectatorship in relation to Message; and, 3) the television's nature as a Channel and its socio-economic background were critical communication factors in paving the way for Philippines to have 11 celebrity politicians as president, vice president and, senators during the 1998 and 2004 elections combined.

著者

Stéphane Rennesson

出版者

Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University

雑誌

Southeast Asian Studies (ISSN:21867275)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, no.1, pp.3-24, 2019 (Released:2019-04-25)

参考文献数

46

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In Northern Thailand, a game that builds upon an uncanny cooperation between human beings and rhinoceros beetles (xylotrupes Gideon) has developed at a high level of refinement and institutionalization. Beetle-fighting is even being widely presented as a marker of the local identity and a local ecological wisdom. In this paper, I will show how it is not so much the coleoptera that symbolize a harmonious connection built by human populations with their natural environment, but rather a question of what happens in the intimate relationship between human beings and insects. Following the way players build on the great alterity between them and the insects, this article will address how the technical and conceptual handling of the beetles shapes pragmatically an original cosmology. It will pay specific attention to the ways players try to connect with their coleopteran by projecting human traits on them and adopting their communication mode. Through these, we can examine how beetles force humans to reflect on their engagement in the world, up to the point where it brings this game onto the stage of political ecology.

著者

Chong Wu-Ling

出版者

Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University

雑誌

Southeast Asian Studies (ISSN:21867275)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, no.3, pp.487-532, 2015-12

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This article examines the relationships between the changes and continuities of Indonesian local politics and Chinese Indonesian business practices in the post- Suharto era, focusing on Chinese Indonesian businesses in two of the largest Indonesian cities, Medan and Surabaya. The fall of Suharto in May 1998 led to the opening up of a democratic and liberal space as well as the removal of many discriminatory measures against the Chinese minority. However, due to the absence of an effective, genuinely reformist party or political coalition, predatory politicalbusiness interests nurtured under Suharto's New Order managed to capture the new political and economic regimes. As a result, corruption and internal mismanagement continue to plague the bureaucracy in the country and devolve from the central to the local governments. This article argues that this is due partially to the role some Chinese businesspeople have played in perpetuating corrupt business practices. As targets of extortion and corruption by bureaucratic officials and youth/crime organizations, Chinese businesspeople are not merely passive and powerless victims of corrupt practices. This article argues, through a combination of Anthony Giddens's structure-agency theory as well as Pierre Bourdieu's notion of habitus and field, that although Chinese businesspeople are constrained by the muddy and corrupt business environment, they have also played an active role in shaping such a business environment. They have thus played an active role in shaping local politics, which is infused with corruption and institutionalized gangsterism, as well as perpetuating their increasingly ambivalent position.

著者

Reynaldo C. Ileto

出版者

Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.3, pp.496-520, 2011-12-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

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Teodoro Agoncillo's classic work on Andres Bonifacio and the Katipunan revolt of 1896 is framed by the tumultuous events of the 1940s such as the Japanese occupation, nominal independence in 1943, Liberation, independence from the United States, and the onset of the Cold War. Was independence in 1946 really a culmination of the revolution of 1896? Was the revolution spearheaded by the Communist-led Huk movement legitimate ? Agoncillo's book was written in 1947 in order to hook the present onto the past. The 1890s themes of exploitation and betrayal bythe propertied class, the rise of a plebeian leader, and the revolt of the masses against Spain, are implicitly being played out in the late 1940s. The politics of hooking the present onto past events and heroic figures led to the prize-winning manuscript's suppression from 1948 to 1955. Finallyseeing print in 1956, it provided a novel and timely reading of Bonifacio at a time when Rizal's legacy was being debated in the Senate and as the Church hierarchy, priests, intellectuals, students, and even general public were getting caught up in heated controversies over national heroes. The circumstances of how Agoncillo's work came to the attention of the author in the 1960s are also discussed.

著者

Dominic Sy

出版者

Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University

雑誌

Southeast Asian Studies (ISSN:21867275)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.3, pp.363-398, 2022-12-22 (Released:2022-12-22)

参考文献数

77

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In Philippine historiography, there has been a tendency to either classify political movements using rigid, positivist, and “elite” categories or to challenge such definitions by arguing for a certain almost universally “indigenous” Filipino character. In contrast, the current study proposes to use computer tools and corpus linguistic techniques to balance the recognition of both continuity and dynamism, as well as sameness and difference, between movements. More specifically, the study uses a Keyword in Context (KWIC) analysis to compare the writings of the Sakdalistas and the Communists, two of the largest mass movements in early 20th-century Philippines. The keyword analysis reveals, on the one hand, distinct discursive features in the writings of the two groups, with the Sakdalistas deploying a language that is more concerned with morality and the Communists deploying a more economistic tongue. On the other hand, a closer examination of these keywords in context also reveals a shared critique of imperialism and its connections to capital, as well as the common presence of two discourses in tension: a discourse of inclusive nationalism and a discourse of division among the people. In other words, the comparative keyword analysis shows that the Sakdalistas and the Communists had distinct political characteristics while also oscillating between similar languages and arguments on the nature of colonial Philippines. The identification of these patterns may contribute to a more nuanced and empirical understanding of the complexity of social movements in both the Philippines and Southeast Asia in general.

著者

Maznah Mohamad

出版者

Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University

雑誌

Southeast Asian Studies (ISSN:21867275)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.3, pp.415-447, 2018 (Released:2018-12-27)

参考文献数

90

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Malaysia’s representation of women as parliamentarians remains one of the lowest in comparison to other Southeast Asian and global parliamentary democracies. However, when contextualized against Malaysia’s politics of divides and dissent starting from 1999 onward, there are some newer characteristics of women’s involvement in formal politics. This paper explores the specificities of women’s experience in formal politics under the one-party dominant rule of the National Front before it was defeated in the May 2018 general election. The paper questions various incidents of political transitioning from an old to a newer political regime. Processes such as the collaboration between women’s civil society and formal state political actors, the cultivation of clientelist and patronage relations, and the maintenance of a cohesive multiparty coalition as a strategy for electoral advantage have all had fruitful bearings on the way the formalization of women in politics has developed. However, given the insufficiency of these developments for increasing women’s representation, this paper proposes the more reliable gender quota or reserved seats mechanism as one of the considerations for gender electoral reform.

著者

Yerry Wirawan

出版者

Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University

雑誌

Southeast Asian Studies (ISSN:21867275)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.1, pp.85-101, 2018 (Released:2018-04-26)

参考文献数

27

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This paper discusses the strategic essentialism of gender and politics in modern Indonesia by rereading literary works of Siti Rukiah (1927–96): her first novel, Kedjatuhan dan Hati (1950), and her collection of poems and short stories Tandus (1952). It locates Rukiah’s position in modern Indonesian politics and the literary world to understand how she crafted her literary skills. It highlights the importance of her hometown, Purwakarta, as the locus of her literary development. It argues that as a representative female writer of the time Rukiah offered important contributions to the nation’s consciousness of gender equality and liberation from the oppressive social structure.

著者

Yoshimoto Yasuko

出版者

Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University

雑誌

Southeast Asian Studies (ISSN:21867275)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.3, pp.487-505, 2012-12

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This paper examines Hồi giáo, a state-recognized religion translated as "Islam" in Vietnam, and will focus on the Islamic religious practices of the Cham Bani, one of two groups of Muslims in Vietnam. While it is recognized that diverse Islamic religious practices have taken root in various areas, there is a tendency to view religious practices such as the Quran recital, Ramadan, Salat, and so on, with a sweeping uniformity. As such, regardless of how "unorthodox" they are, the people who engage in such practices within society are regarded, or classified, as Muslim. The Cham Bani have also been described as an unorthodox Muslim sect, on the basis of its syncretic religious practices. However, the Cham Bani practitioners see themselves as neither Muslim nor members of the Islam community, and consider that they have experienced a different evolution of Islamic religious elements. Is it possible to equate Hồi giáo with Islam and its followers with Muslim? This paper examines these questions through observations of the self-recognition, as well as the actual conditions of Islamic practices among the Cham Bani, especially the rituals that are observed during Ramadan. It reveals the possibility that Vietnam’s state-recognized religious sect of "Islam" and its "Muslim" followers are polythetic in nature and differ from the conventional definitions of Islam and Muslim, based on a monothetic classification.

著者

Dror Olga

出版者

Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University

雑誌

Southeast Asian Studies (ISSN:21867275)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, no.1, pp.223-225, 2014-04

著者

Yogi Setya Permana

出版者

Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University

雑誌

Southeast Asian Studies (ISSN:21867275)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, no.1, pp.99-116, 2019 (Released:2019-04-25)

参考文献数

34

被引用文献数

1

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In the study of contemporary local politics and the dynamics of decentralization in Indonesia, there is insufficient research on how political actors integrate both psychologically and emotionally as a strategy to gain power at the local level. This paper explores the way in which the emotion labelled “fear of crime” embodies local power, specifically in the Central Lombok District of West Nusa Tenggara Province. Efforts have been made to investigate how the fear of crime emerged and was disseminated, as well as how the politics of fear appeared and functioned in a social setting. This paper argues that fear can be socially constructed through talk of crime and politicized in the context of local elections by elites through informal security groups or individual datu maling, two entities that I refer to as “fear entrepreneurs.”

著者

Kosuke Mizuno Hayati Sari Hasibuan Masaaki Okamoto Farha Widya Asrofani

出版者

Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University

雑誌

Southeast Asian Studies (ISSN:21867275)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.1, pp.47-87, 2023-04-27 (Released:2023-04-27)

参考文献数

73

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Indonesia has a vast area of state forests (kawasan hutan) covering 65 percent of the country’s land surface. State forests provide timber and enable the protection and conservation of forests. They also provide a living environment for local people, which comes with many problems, including overlapping land rights, illegal logging, and serious environmental degradation. This study looks into the origin of the state forest system during the colonial era, paying particular attention to the establishment of the Forest Service. Faced with deforestation at the end of the eighteenth century and the middle of the nineteenth, a forest administration system was established in the name of forest protection and conservation, to implement a bureaucratic system of administration based on wage labor. Finally, the Forest Service was set up. The Forest Service supplied timber for the government’s infrastructure development, such as state railway construction, and supplied timber and firewood for local people. The Forest Service’s revenue covered its expenditure and even created a budget surplus that contributed to state revenue. The system was quite unsympathetic to local people—for example, slash-and-burn practices were prohibited, and defiant locals were punished—and the government never attempted to involve local people in the implementation of the forest conservation program. The government attempted to stabilize the system in part by issuing permits allowing certain activities. However, the permit system barely functioned, and almost nobody tried to get permits. The number of forest offenses such as stealing trees increased until the end of the 1930s. The fundamental problem was that local people regarded their use of the forest—such as for cutting trees and gathering fallen trees, leaves, and branches—as their customary right; the colonial government, on the other hand, denied them this right, confining it within the permit and police system.

著者

Claudio Lisandro E.

出版者

Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University

雑誌

Southeast Asian Studies (ISSN:21867275)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, no.1, pp.125-156, 2015-04-29 (Released:2017-03-30)

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This article revisits the Bandung Conference and Third Worldism through an intellectual history of the Filipino diplomat and intellectual Carlos P. Romulo. By examining Romulo's work during, before, and after Bandung, it argues that Third World-ism must be understood in its original sense.as a negation not only of Western imperialism but also of Soviet Communism. In examining the anti-Communist undercurrent of Bandung, the article hopes to recover a vision of the Third World that opposed various forms of totalitarianism. Although anti-Communism is usually associated with the fascism of McCarthyism, I contend that Romulo's liberal, Asianist anti-Communism forms a normative vision for a more equitable world order.

著者

豊島 昇

出版者

Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University

雑誌

Southeast Asian Studies (ISSN:21867275)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, no.2, pp.285-321, 2013-08-22 (Released:2017-03-31)

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Motivation for learning a second language varies among individuals: some people enjoy the process of learning languages, while others learn a second language for practical reasons. Previous fieldwork research in Thailand has shown that many consumers of Japanese cultural products are also learners of the Japanese language. This suggests that Japanese cultural products motivate consumers to start studying Japanese and to continue learning it. In this study, two hypotheses will be posed inorder to reveal the relationship between the consumption of Japanese cultural products and Japanese language learning: (1) exposure to Japanese cultural products induces Japanese language learning, and (2) Japanese language learning induces the consumption of other Japanese cultural products. Through questionnaire research conducted on university students in Thailand and through ethnographic data, this study attempts to examine the hypotheses and to demonstrate a continuous cycle model of Japanese language learning and the consumption of Japanese cultural products.

著者

Tamiki Hara

出版者

Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University

雑誌

Southeast Asian Studies (ISSN:21867275)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, no.3, pp.413-439, 2019-12-26 (Released:2019-12-26)

参考文献数

38

被引用文献数

1

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Despite its much-touted agenda to fight poverty and corruption, the Aquino administration was not able to produce good results during its term at the national level. However, some political forces and policy reforms that emerged with the administration achieved remarkable change at the local level. This paper explores the case of Siquijor Province, where an entrenched political dynasty was defeated in the 2013 and 2016 elections by candidates supported by the Liberal Party and its allied forces, Akbayan, and analyzes factors that brought this change by focusing on activities of People Power Volunteers for Reform, the impact of bottom-up budgeting projects, and the mobilization of powers of the national government through personal relationships. It also notes achievements of the Aquino administration at the local level, provides a critical perspective to the elite democracy discourse that sticks to a static view of Philippine politics, and clarifies local practices by progressive forces that confront oligarchy.

著者

Hooi-Sean Ng

出版者

Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University

雑誌

Southeast Asian Studies (ISSN:21867275)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.3, pp.477-514, 2022-12-22 (Released:2022-12-22)

参考文献数

125

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The increasing prominence of China on the world stage has sparked scholarly interest in studying the country’s representation in the media. Also driving the enthusiasm is the global expansion of Chinese state media, which some refer to as an attempt to export Chinese propaganda. Research on the topic in Southeast Asia remains lacking despite the region’s being in China’s backyard. This qualitative study aims to narrow the knowledge gap by looking at China’s representation in Malaysia. Using content analysis and in-depth interviews, it examines specifically the coverage of former Prime Minister Najib Razak’s 2016 visit to China by the Malay, Mandarin, and English bulletins on public and private television. The results show that China’s portrayal in the coverage is positive, notwithstanding the stories indicating concerns about the implications of China’s rise. The outcome points to the dominance of the state narrative, with instances of the press breaking the authorities’ restrictions to inform the audience. It appears that the reportage was not much impacted by Chinese media’s efforts to go global. Drawing on the Hierarchy of Influences model, the study demonstrates that the representation of China in Malaysian media coverage is a product shaped by intertwined social, cultural, and political factors as complex as Malaysian society.

著者

Akkanut Wantanasombut

出版者

Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University

雑誌

Southeast Asian Studies (ISSN:21867275)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.3, pp.451-475, 2022-12-22 (Released:2022-12-22)

参考文献数

55

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In 2021 Thailand’s Ministry of Labour reported that approximately 2.4 million migrant workers had been permitted to work in Thailand, with two-thirds arriving from Myanmar (Samnak Borihan Raeng Ngan Tang Dao Krom Karn Jad Ha Ngan 2021). For decades, this large number of migrant workers from Myanmar has benefited the Thailand-Myanmar border trade, both directly and indirectly, including the remittances that Burmese migrant workers send to their families back home.This paper studies how the economic activities revolving around border trade developed. It describes how informal remittances from Myanmar migrant workers have become one of the key elements of the massive illicit border trade and introduces the possibility of digital technology replacing traditional informal remittance methods. The data presented here was collected by way of semi-structured interviews with 32 Burmese migrant workers living and working in Samutsakorn Province, nine Thai border traders in Mae Sot, officials, and a Thai financial technology company operating in Myanmar. The interviews revealed that most of the migrant workers had experience using mobile banking and financial applications, they were familiar with the technology, and they were aware of its capacity as an alternative method of sending money back home. However, many still preferred to use informal banking as it benefited them the most. The border traders interviewed for this paper further confirmed that there was still no threat of consequences for payment offsetting. Therefore, the digitalization of banking strengthens the informal banking system as it both hastens and improves the processes of money distribution.

著者

Kah Seng Loh Jeremy Goh

出版者

Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University

雑誌

Southeast Asian Studies (ISSN:21867275)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.3, pp.427-449, 2022-12-22 (Released:2022-12-22)

参考文献数

57

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The National Wages Council (NWC) was the orchestra of Singapore’s wage policy in the 1970s and 1980s. Our paper explores two key episodes in its history: its formation in February 1972 and its adoption of a high wage policy between 1979 and 1981 as part of Singapore’s economic restructuring. We were able to draw upon partially declassified government records held at the National Archives of Singapore. Yet these records are incomplete and lacking in certain aspects as archival sources. We complemented them with other archival and published sources, including the oral history and writings of the NWC’s longtime chairman, Lim Chong Yah. Our research urged us to conceptualize a pair of ideas, “semi-archives” and “interim archives,” acknowledging the partiality of both archival and published sources in Singapore. The history of the NWC suggests a rethinking of the centrality of the documentary archive in the Western academic tradition. In Asian contexts like Singapore, a multi-archival approach is necessary for the writing of recent history. Singapore historians can work both modestly and imaginatively with a wider range of available historical sources, including archival, oral, and published sources.

著者

Ikwan Setiawan Albert Tallapessy Andang Subaharianto

出版者

Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University

雑誌

Southeast Asian Studies (ISSN:21867275)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.3, pp.399-426, 2022-12-22 (Released:2022-12-22)

参考文献数

84

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This article aims to discuss the religious-ecological knowledge of the Tenggerese community on the slope of Mount Bromo, Probolinggo (East Java, Indonesia) and its contribution to disaster mitigation. Within the framework of traditional ecological knowledge, we will analyze field data from 2011 until 2016. The results of this study show that many Tenggerese people believe Mount Bromo to be the axis of religion and its surrounding area to be a sacred place. They also believe in and practice several religious-ecological customs in understanding volcanic eruptions and various natural signs. For them, an eruption is a supernatural process involving gods and goddesses that takes place to improve living conditions. However, living in postcolonial times with modern cultures and capitalistic agricultural practices has made some Tenggerese people question and challenge religious authorities when they experience the economic damage caused by volcanic eruptions. Religious authorities can handle the challenge by invoking the concept of communal harmony. Further, we argue, government agencies may incorporate Tenggerese religious-ecological knowledge into disaster mitigation practices. They can combine modern mitigation mechanisms with such wisdom. This hybrid mitigation model may facilitate the coordination of government agencies with traditional leaders to prepare strategically before a disaster strikes as well as implement tactical actions when a disaster occurs.