著者

伊藤 正子

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.3, pp.294-313, 2010-12-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

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This paper aims to examine how reconciliation is developed through apologies towards damages by war, comparing the actions of nation-state, damaged areas and NGOs concerning the Vietnam War. The second aim is to consider official and non-official memories about Vietnam War both in the damaged country and the country that caused damages, further investigating the relationship between a variety of memories and political systems. During the Vietnam War, South Korea sent the second largest group of armed forces, but recently the Korean’s memories as heroic stories have been confused since Han-kyoreh magazine reported that Korean troops conducted mass killings. After 30 years, an ex-service Korean’s group visited the Ha My hamlet, Quang Nam Province, where slaughters occurred in 1968. They built a monument for the victims. But when it was completed, the group felt shocked about a poem on the massacre on the monument. After going back to Korea, they demanded revisions. The Vietnamese government, which was asked for revisions by the Korean Embassy, put pressure on the villagers, who finally covered the inscription. Vietnamese policy is to seal the past and look to the future as at present, the most important issue for the government is to procure development funds from other countries, and to maintain the legitimacy of the Communist Party through economic development. Therefore, the memories of the Ha My, whose villagers did not necessarily contribute to the Revolution, could not become an official memory. Further, those memories are not connected with nationalism. This point is the most different when comparing with the case between Korea or China and Japan. After the report by the Han-kyoreh, one Korean NGO started volunteer activities for Vietnamese survivors. Through those activities, some survivors have been healed, and for the sake of the Korean NGO, the memory of Ha My, which can never become official memory, is preserved in Vietnam.

著者

筒井 琢磨 五十嵐 忠孝 坪内 良博

出版者

京都大学

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, no.3, pp.369-383, 1990-12

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。Two sets of data were obtained on Bangladesh villages : a genealogical table of inhabitants of one village, Gobarchitra; and survey data on two villages, Gobarchitra and Panchkitta, obtained by using questionnaires. By analyzing these data, we examined the high fertility of the two villages. First, we used the genealogical data on Gobarchitra. Using a patrilineal table, we tested the reproductivity of the male population. Over five generations, we checked four pairs of father-son generations. By several estimation methods, we obtained several values. Second, we used survey data on the two villages. Questionnaires asked all the married females about their birth histories. Compared with nation-wide data, two villages showed comparatively high fertility. There was a difference in fertility between the two villages, which appeared to result from a difference in mean age at first marriage. No other factors were identified. From cohort analysis, we concluded that those two villages had traditionally different levels of mean age at first marriage. As for the government's family planning program, neither village showed much effect. Generally, there is a high relation between the diffusion of a family planning program and education. Unfortunately, we could not examine this as we had no data on education.

著者

佐藤 正範

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, no.4, pp.495-522, 1995-03-31 (Released:2018-02-28)

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This article deals with the “Romusha” described in history textbooks used in junior and senior high schools in Indonesia from 1984 to 1993 and analyses the meanings and images evoked by these descriptions.  The results of an analysis of the “Romusha” in 9 junior high school history textbooks and 5 senior high textbooks can be summarized as follows; “Romusha” is the most symbolic word used to represent the Japanese Military Occupation of Indonesia (1942-1945). In Japanese, romusha means ‘physical laborers’, but in 7 of 14 textbooks the word means ‘forced laborers’, in 4 it means ‘laborers’, in 3 ‘soldiers of labor’, in 2 ‘heroes of labor’ and ‘soldiers of economics’, and in 1 each ‘forced labors’, ‘corps of forced laborers’ and ‘forced coolies’. Thus the word can be said to have more specialized meanings in Indonesian textbooks than in the original Japanese.  In 12 of the 14 textbooks there are descriptions of mobilizing the “Romusha,” their actual working conditions in 9, the methods of dispatching workers to job sites and their final disposition in 10, and the number of workers in 8.  It is evident that the image of the “Romusha” in Indonesian history textbooks used in junior and senior high schools is basically that of “pathetic forced laborers” from many points of view.

著者

五十嵐 忠孝

出版者

京都大学

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.4, pp.593-624, 1988-03

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。This report aims to establish the socialcultural contexts of fertility behavior common to ethnic Sundanese, who predominate in the Priangan Highlands, West Java, and have long been well-known for their very young marital age and high fertility, in the hope that an understanding of fertility-related social perceptions and cultural practices of a particular ethnic group will provide a basis for explaining regional and ethnic differences in levels and patterns of fertility in Indonesia. Here I will simply describe a number of institutions and practices involving the early stage of the reproductive period in women, i. e., from the attainment of adulthood to the consummation of the first marriage, which I observed during fieldwork in a Priangan Sundanese village. To compare social-cultural contexts of fertility, I also present a brief review of data on the fertility behavior of other Indonesian ethnic groups, particularly of ethnic Javanese, of which rather reliable data is available. Fertility-related practices in Sundanese society are distinct from those in Javanese society in many ways. For example : 1. A considerable proportion of rural Sundanese girls get married before menarche, indicating that marriageability for rural Sundanese girls predates menarche, even though rural Sundanese residents state that menarche signals the attainment of marriageable age. 2. Most marriages, including those of premenarcheal girls, take place at the girl's own wish, and are not arranged by parents or relatives. Almost all women interviewed showed a strong dislike for arranged marriage including "child marriage." 3. A younger sister is strictly forbidden to marry before an elder sister. This practice naturally leads to the virtual universality of marriage at an early age. 4. Consummation of marriage, even "premenarcheal marriage, " takes place at a very early stage. This means that divorce without consummation has rarely occurred, even though many first marriages have ended in divorce.

著者

木村 幹

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.236-239, 2023-01-31 (Released:2023-01-31)

参考文献数

7

著者

北澤 直宏

出版者

京都大学

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.2, pp.273-302, 2013-01-31

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This paper aims at assessing the relationship between religion and politics in contemporary Vietnam, with a focus on Caodaism reorganization. After the Vietnam War, the socialist government regarded religion as a nuisance and carried out a retaliatory re-education program—to no effect. In the process of clamping down on anti-government movements by devotees, the Communist Party conducted in-depth analysis on Caodaism and decided to remove the religious dignitaries, in line with their policy of suppressing religious authorities. In 1979, with the cooperation of some dignitaries, the government promulgated the Caodai Decree 01, aimed at the dissolution all Caodaism organizations. The Caodai Holy See was placed under the control of the state and changes were imposed; however, many branch temples subsequently reverted to selfmanagement. There are three possible reasons for this: first, the Holy See had lost all authority and influence over the branch temples; second, branch temples ignored the modified Holy See as the latter had obeyed the socialist government and betrayed Caodaism Law; third, there was no consistent policy in each province. These phenomena rattled the Communist Party, which feared its own collapse, in an echo of events in the Soviet Union. It thus embarked on a plan in 1992 to reorganize Caodaism, with the aim of occupying and controlling branch temples through "educated" dignitaries. While it is certain that Caodaism was officially recognized in 1997, this did not signal the beginning of religious freedom. On the contrary, it only reflected the Communist Party's policy to control religious opponents by authorizing religions.

著者

李 美智

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.3, pp.265-293, 2010-12-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

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Since 2000, the popularity of South Korean popular culture known as Korean Wave or Hallyu has increased significantly in Southeast Asia. The Korean Government now recognizes cultural industries as one of the top key industries of the nation. The purpose of this paper is to review the cultural export promotion policies of the South Korean Government which are the basic backgrounds of the spread of Korean Wave, and to investigate how Korean Wave is being accepted and developed in Southeast Asia by drawing on the examples of Vietnam and Thailand. Among many genres, such as music and film, this paper focuses on Korean TV dramas as they are the most important driving force in the Korean Wave industries. By examining push and pull factors in both importing and exporting countries, it indicates that in Vietnam and Thailand, the carefully-planned strategic economic support of the Korean government for these industries and the rapid expansion of multi-channel TV and multi-media industries, which are in want of attractive content, are the most important factors that have contributed to the Hallyu expansion.

著者

清水 太郎

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.3, pp.334-363, 2010-12-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

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Diplomatic relationships with China had been the most crucial issue to Korean and Vietnamese Dynasties throughout history. Korean diplomacy has been well documented, yet the nature of Vietnamese activities are little known, even basic facts such as members of the missions, timing of departure/return, and their tasks in China. Since Korean and Vietnamese missions used Chinese characters as their official letters, there were cultural exchanges among them, especially poem recitation, in the capitals of Chinese Dynasties as a by-product of their diplomacy toward China. It has been found that around 20 cases of such exchanges had taken place from 14th through to 18th centuries. Relationships between Korea/Vietnam and China showed occasional changes, reflecting the times. This paper discusses the cultural and historical significance of the exchanges of Korean and Vietnamese diplomatic missions that occurred in Beijing, a foreign capital.

著者

大橋 正明

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.217-220, 2021-07-31 (Released:2021-07-30)

参考文献数

6

著者

根本 敬

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.1, pp.79-81, 2023-07-31 (Released:2023-07-31)

参考文献数

3

著者

岡本 正明

出版者

京都大学

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.1, pp.97-99, 2006-06-30

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

日比野 丈夫

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.3, pp.72-79, 1964

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

村上 忠良

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.2, pp.292-295, 2016

著者

外山 文子

出版者

京都大学

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, pp.109-138, 2013-07-31

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Thailand made great progress toward institutional democratization through the amendment of the 1991 Constitution, which stipulated that only elected MPs were eligible for the position of prime minister in 1992. This amendment was followed by the 1997 Constitution. However, Thailand experienced a coup in 2006, and the coup group drafted the 2007 Constitution. Since the coup, the judiciary has been pivotal in changing governments. Democratically elected governments have been toppled by the judiciary. Furthermore, people in large cities such as Bangkok, who protested against the military's extended rule in 1992, approved of the 2006 coup and the unusual methods employed in changing governments, an abnormal phenomenon in a parliamentary democracy. The common objective that links the coup, the two constitutional amendments (1997 and 2007), and the decisions of the judiciary is resolving corruption among the country's politicians. Even though several coups have occurred and constitutional amendments have been made for this purpose, the problem of corruption appears to be continually exacerbating. To understand this issue, it is important to recognize what kinds of behavior in politicians have been codified as corruption. Therefore, this paper examines the legal definitions of corruption. A close scrutiny of Thailand's constitutions and laws reveals that the legal definition of corruption has widened owing to the former's consecutive amendments since the 1990s, from apparent corruption (such as bribes or kickbacks) to vague or gray corruption (such as conflicts of interest and false statements of property and debt). Although in other countries these new legal definitions of corruption are used to control the spread of corruption among politicians by pre-empting potential corruption, in Thailand such forms of corruption are stipulated as grave crimes that could end an individual's political career--and they have broader definitions, including forms of corruption that are not serious. This suggests that constitutional amend- ments have resulted in increased corruption among politicians. This has caused people to distrust politicians and a democratic form of government, leading to the possible destruction of democracy either by coup or by the judiciary. In fact, constitutional amendments may themselves have been excuses for dismantling democracy.

著者

Elmina Rayah Dizon Maniago

出版者

Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.4, pp.494-518, 2007-03-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

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What conditions have made it possible for television celebrities to enter politics? Why are there many Filipino celebrities who are elected as national government officials? Most political analysts and media critics devoted time in analyzing public approval ratings and ad spending during the campaign period to understand voting behavior and political choice. While those studies may also be helpful, they do not cover the overall set-up that contributes to the rising trend of celebrity politicians. This article offers to fill a gap in current scholarship on celebrity politician phenomenon by identifying factors that affect the communication process between the celebrity candidate and voters even BEFORE the official campaign starts. For this reason, I chose to loosely base my framework on DavidBerlo's Source-Message-Channel-Receiver (SMCR) communication model. I found out that 1) the socio-cultural and political backgrounds of Source and Receiver; 2) the social role and spectatorship in relation to Message; and, 3) the television's nature as a Channel and its socio-economic background were critical communication factors in paving the way for Philippines to have 11 celebrity politicians as president, vice president and, senators during the 1998 and 2004 elections combined.

著者

矢野 暢

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.1, pp.5-31, 1978 (Released:2018-06-02)

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This article aims at throwing into relief views of "Nanyo" (Southeast Asia) in Japan during the Taisho period (1912-1926). There has until now been a consensus among scholars that the idea of "Nanshin" (advance to the South) existed only in the Meiji and Showa periods. In this article, the author wishes to challenge this stereotype view on the "Nanshin" theory.  It is easy to verify that "Nanyo" was discussed more often and energetically by Japanese people in the Taisho period than in the previous (Meiji) period. More importantly, the basic conditions that made possible the creation of the "Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere" scheme were laid during the Taisho period. Hence, the conclusion of this essay is that the discussions made in the Taisho period were vital in paving the way for Japan's advance to the South in the Showa period, and, therefore, the significance of the Taisho period should not be underestimated.

著者

後小路 雅弘

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.94-97, 2022-07-31 (Released:2022-07-31)

著者

中村 昇平

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.2, pp.204-240, 2021-01-31 (Released:2021-01-29)

参考文献数

89

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The fall of Suharto’s authoritarian regime and the subsequent dissolution of vertical political patronage led to an upsurge of mass mobilization based on religion and/or ethnicity. In Jakarta, newly emerged vigilante groups that initially sought to represent small-scale neighborhood communities rapidly grew in size by receiving endorsements from local political authorities as well as by gaining extensive popular support. Despite their persistent association with violence and illicitness in popular discourse, some of those vigilante groups quickly increased their membership to hundreds of thousands. Highlighting the activities of the Forum Betawi Rempug (FBR), one of the biggest of these groups, this paper explains the causes, processes, and consequences of its expansion.The nature of the Betawi ethnic identity that has been constructed over decades, as well as an alternative mode of populist discourse that became prevalent in Jakarta during the last couple of decades, were the key background conditions through which such groups expanded in both size and geographic reach. These conditions also led to a loosely disciplined and highly autonomous organizational structure.An explanation of this process calls for a radical revision of the conventional model of ethnic mobilization that takes for granted disciplined organization and hierarchical control. In contemporary Jakarta, successful mass mobilization is not the sheer result of people’s response to populist calls. Attention must be paid to the logic of the mobilized in order to explain why vigilante organizations have been able to gain popular support despite their notorious reputation. This paper investigates the perspectives of the mobilized by focusing on neighborhood-level activities of the FBR. In so doing, it exemplifies how some residents perceive the FBR as a provider of potential socioeconomic resources for the enhancement of their life environment.

著者

中谷 文美

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.2, pp.269-271, 2021-01-31 (Released:2021-01-29)

著者

後藤 乾一

出版者

京都大学

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.1, pp.57-77, 1996-06

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。Although Iwa (1899-1971) is one of the well-known nationalist leaders in 20th century Indonesia, his thoughts and actions have not received due attention in contemporary Indonesian studies. As a son of Sundanese aristocratic family (menak) he was expected by his parents to become an official of the Dutch colonial government. However, he refused to become one of the "indigeneous elites" who supported the colonial system from the below. During his stay in the Netherlands in the early 1920s, he was elected as chairman of Perhimpunan Indonesia and contributed greatly to making the organization more nationalistic. Furthermore, upon obtaining a law degree, he moved to Moscow in order to combine the nationalist movement and the international communist movement. Among the top nationalist leaders of his generation, he is exceptional in having such an experience. Due to his political background, the colonial government in Batavia arrested him in 1929 and soon exiled him to Bandaneira Island, where he was forced to spend about 10 years until the early 1940s. From independence in August 1945 until his death in 1971,he held three cabinet posts, but at the same time he also had a number of bitter experiences, including two years of imprisonment for his connection to the "July Third Affair" of 1946,as well as being forced to resign as Defense Minister under political pressure from the army. He strongly insisted that the armed forces should be an instrument of the state and opposed the concentration of power in the armed forces. He also insisted that such a culturally diverse country as Indonesia should have a political system whereby each ethnic group could develop its own culture and identity. He believed that this was more desirable than strengthening of unification from the center, in order to bring real unity to the country. When we look at the Indonesian political situation in 1990s, Iwa's arguments concerning the politico-military relationship and the coexistence of nationality and ethnicity still appear pertinent.