著者
筒井 琢磨 五十嵐 忠孝 坪内 良博
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.28, no.3, pp.369-383, 1990-12

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。Two sets of data were obtained on Bangladesh villages : a genealogical table of inhabitants of one village, Gobarchitra; and survey data on two villages, Gobarchitra and Panchkitta, obtained by using questionnaires. By analyzing these data, we examined the high fertility of the two villages. First, we used the genealogical data on Gobarchitra. Using a patrilineal table, we tested the reproductivity of the male population. Over five generations, we checked four pairs of father-son generations. By several estimation methods, we obtained several values. Second, we used survey data on the two villages. Questionnaires asked all the married females about their birth histories. Compared with nation-wide data, two villages showed comparatively high fertility. There was a difference in fertility between the two villages, which appeared to result from a difference in mean age at first marriage. No other factors were identified. From cohort analysis, we concluded that those two villages had traditionally different levels of mean age at first marriage. As for the government's family planning program, neither village showed much effect. Generally, there is a high relation between the diffusion of a family planning program and education. Unfortunately, we could not examine this as we had no data on education.
著者
五十嵐 忠孝
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.25, no.4, pp.593-624, 1988-03

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。This report aims to establish the socialcultural contexts of fertility behavior common to ethnic Sundanese, who predominate in the Priangan Highlands, West Java, and have long been well-known for their very young marital age and high fertility, in the hope that an understanding of fertility-related social perceptions and cultural practices of a particular ethnic group will provide a basis for explaining regional and ethnic differences in levels and patterns of fertility in Indonesia. Here I will simply describe a number of institutions and practices involving the early stage of the reproductive period in women, i. e., from the attainment of adulthood to the consummation of the first marriage, which I observed during fieldwork in a Priangan Sundanese village. To compare social-cultural contexts of fertility, I also present a brief review of data on the fertility behavior of other Indonesian ethnic groups, particularly of ethnic Javanese, of which rather reliable data is available. Fertility-related practices in Sundanese society are distinct from those in Javanese society in many ways. For example : 1. A considerable proportion of rural Sundanese girls get married before menarche, indicating that marriageability for rural Sundanese girls predates menarche, even though rural Sundanese residents state that menarche signals the attainment of marriageable age. 2. Most marriages, including those of premenarcheal girls, take place at the girl's own wish, and are not arranged by parents or relatives. Almost all women interviewed showed a strong dislike for arranged marriage including "child marriage." 3. A younger sister is strictly forbidden to marry before an elder sister. This practice naturally leads to the virtual universality of marriage at an early age. 4. Consummation of marriage, even "premenarcheal marriage, " takes place at a very early stage. This means that divorce without consummation has rarely occurred, even though many first marriages have ended in divorce.
著者
北澤 直宏
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.50, no.2, pp.273-302, 2013-01-31

This paper aims at assessing the relationship between religion and politics in contemporary Vietnam, with a focus on Caodaism reorganization. After the Vietnam War, the socialist government regarded religion as a nuisance and carried out a retaliatory re-education program—to no effect. In the process of clamping down on anti-government movements by devotees, the Communist Party conducted in-depth analysis on Caodaism and decided to remove the religious dignitaries, in line with their policy of suppressing religious authorities. In 1979, with the cooperation of some dignitaries, the government promulgated the Caodai Decree 01, aimed at the dissolution all Caodaism organizations. The Caodai Holy See was placed under the control of the state and changes were imposed; however, many branch temples subsequently reverted to selfmanagement. There are three possible reasons for this: first, the Holy See had lost all authority and influence over the branch temples; second, branch temples ignored the modified Holy See as the latter had obeyed the socialist government and betrayed Caodaism Law; third, there was no consistent policy in each province. These phenomena rattled the Communist Party, which feared its own collapse, in an echo of events in the Soviet Union. It thus embarked on a plan in 1992 to reorganize Caodaism, with the aim of occupying and controlling branch temples through "educated" dignitaries. While it is certain that Caodaism was officially recognized in 1997, this did not signal the beginning of religious freedom. On the contrary, it only reflected the Communist Party's policy to control religious opponents by authorizing religions.
著者
日比野 丈夫
出版者
京都大学東南アジア研究センター
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1, no.3, pp.72-79, 1964

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。
著者
岡本 正明
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.1, pp.97-99, 2006-06-30

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。
著者
外山 文子
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.51, no.1, pp.109-138, 2013-07-31

Thailand made great progress toward institutional democratization through the amendment of the 1991 Constitution, which stipulated that only elected MPs were eligible for the position of prime minister in 1992. This amendment was followed by the 1997 Constitution. However, Thailand experienced a coup in 2006, and the coup group drafted the 2007 Constitution. Since the coup, the judiciary has been pivotal in changing governments. Democratically elected governments have been toppled by the judiciary. Furthermore, people in large cities such as Bangkok, who protested against the military's extended rule in 1992, approved of the 2006 coup and the unusual methods employed in changing governments, an abnormal phenomenon in a parliamentary democracy. The common objective that links the coup, the two constitutional amendments (1997 and 2007), and the decisions of the judiciary is resolving corruption among the country's politicians. Even though several coups have occurred and constitutional amendments have been made for this purpose, the problem of corruption appears to be continually exacerbating. To understand this issue, it is important to recognize what kinds of behavior in politicians have been codified as corruption. Therefore, this paper examines the legal definitions of corruption. A close scrutiny of Thailand's constitutions and laws reveals that the legal definition of corruption has widened owing to the former's consecutive amendments since the 1990s, from apparent corruption (such as bribes or kickbacks) to vague or gray corruption (such as conflicts of interest and false statements of property and debt). Although in other countries these new legal definitions of corruption are used to control the spread of corruption among politicians by pre-empting potential corruption, in Thailand such forms of corruption are stipulated as grave crimes that could end an individual's political career--and they have broader definitions, including forms of corruption that are not serious. This suggests that constitutional amend- ments have resulted in increased corruption among politicians. This has caused people to distrust politicians and a democratic form of government, leading to the possible destruction of democracy either by coup or by the judiciary. In fact, constitutional amendments may themselves have been excuses for dismantling democracy.
著者
後藤 乾一
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.34, no.1, pp.57-77, 1996-06

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。Although Iwa (1899-1971) is one of the well-known nationalist leaders in 20th century Indonesia, his thoughts and actions have not received due attention in contemporary Indonesian studies. As a son of Sundanese aristocratic family (menak) he was expected by his parents to become an official of the Dutch colonial government. However, he refused to become one of the "indigeneous elites" who supported the colonial system from the below. During his stay in the Netherlands in the early 1920s, he was elected as chairman of Perhimpunan Indonesia and contributed greatly to making the organization more nationalistic. Furthermore, upon obtaining a law degree, he moved to Moscow in order to combine the nationalist movement and the international communist movement. Among the top nationalist leaders of his generation, he is exceptional in having such an experience. Due to his political background, the colonial government in Batavia arrested him in 1929 and soon exiled him to Bandaneira Island, where he was forced to spend about 10 years until the early 1940s. From independence in August 1945 until his death in 1971,he held three cabinet posts, but at the same time he also had a number of bitter experiences, including two years of imprisonment for his connection to the "July Third Affair" of 1946,as well as being forced to resign as Defense Minister under political pressure from the army. He strongly insisted that the armed forces should be an instrument of the state and opposed the concentration of power in the armed forces. He also insisted that such a culturally diverse country as Indonesia should have a political system whereby each ethnic group could develop its own culture and identity. He believed that this was more desirable than strengthening of unification from the center, in order to bring real unity to the country. When we look at the Indonesian political situation in 1990s, Iwa's arguments concerning the politico-military relationship and the coexistence of nationality and ethnicity still appear pertinent.
著者
福島 真人
出版者
京都大学東南アジア研究センター
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.35, no.4, pp.898-913, 1998-03

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。
著者
大野 徹
出版者
京都大学東南アジア研究センター
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.9, no.2, pp.176-193, 1971-09

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。
著者
矢野 暢
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.12, no.2, pp.269-274, 1974-09

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。
著者
矢野 暢
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.6, no.1, 1968-06

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。
著者
冨田 健次
出版者
京都大学東南アジア研究センター
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.17, no.1, pp.85-98, 1979-06

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。
著者
李 美智
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.3, pp.265-293, 2010-12-31

Since 2000, the popularity of South Korean popular culture known as Korean Wave or Hallyu has increasedsignificantly in Southeast Asia. The Korean Government now recognizes cultural industries as one of thetop key industries of the nation. The purpose of this paper is to review the cultural export promotionpolicies of the South Korean Government which are the basic backgrounds of the spread of Korean Wave,and to investigate how Korean Wave is being accepted and developed in Southeast Asia by drawing on theexamples of Vietnam and Thailand. Among many genres, such as music and film, this paper focuses onKorean TV dramas as they are the most important driving force in the Korean Wave industries. Byexamining push and pull factors in both importing and exporting countries, it indicates that in Vietnam andThailand, the carefully-planned strategic economic support of the Korean government for these industriesand the rapid expansion of multi-channel TV and multi-media industries, which are in want of attractivecontent, are the most important factors that have contributed to the Hallyu expansion.
著者
白石 隆
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.41, no.2, pp.262-266, 2003-09

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。
著者
栗原 浩英
出版者
京都大学東南アジア研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.53, no.1, pp.165-167, 2015-07-31

〈特集〉現代東南アジアにおける宗教の越境現象―タイ,ミャンマーを中心に―
著者
吉川 利治
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.19, no.4, pp.363-387, 1982-03

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。Field Marshal Phibunsongkhram, the Prime Minister of Thailand during the Pacific War, is said to have been a dictator, a chauvinist and a militarist, and to have erred in trying to revive old Siam by military means. But the minutes of the Cabinet conference, Phibun's speeches, the Ratthaniyom principles, Thai Code of Valour and Phibun's own behavior during his regime reveal his thoughts and actions as a campaign to foster the civilization of Thailand and to restore her honor and face among nations. He renamed the country "Thailand" on June 24,1939 because the old name Siam was associated with absolute monarchy, Westerner worship, arbitary Chinese action, a national inferiority complex and old customs. It was his aim to dispel these associations and to prompt constitutional monarchy, the civilization of the country and the modernization of the people. The Phibun regime intended to reduce Western political power and Chinese economic power. Japan also had an interest in destroying Western power in Southeast Asia and replacing it with her own. Phibun used Japanese power to carry out his policy. Japan treated Thailand as an important nation in Southeast Asia before the Pacific War, so she could move her forces through Thai territory and obtain necessary facilities. Phibun cooperated with Japan for only one year during the war, then switched to the promotion of an anti-Japanese strategic plan, because he thought that cooperation with Japan did not bring honor and face either to Thailand or to himself.
著者
木下 昭
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.52, no.2, pp.208-234, 2015-01-31

The purpose of this paper is to analyze memoirs of Japanese teachers deployed to the Philippines in the Asia Pacific War. The Japanese military tried to teach Filipinos the Japanese language in order to make them accept the legitimacy of the Japanese invasion. Education was the basis of the occupation policy, with about 180 teachers being deployed all over the Philippines. Their students were not only children but also bureaucrats, police officers, and Filipino Japaneselanguage teachers. After American forces came back to the archipelago, however, the Japaneselanguage classes were gradually terminated and teachers struggled to survive in the mountain areas. Some survivors contributed articles about their war experiences to the journal Sampaguita after the war. This paper looks into their stories to understand what they thought about their work in the Philippines. Many of them gave themselves high marks for their education, even though they criticized the Japanese occupation of the Philippines. There are several reasons for their mindset, including the influence of US colonization policies and Japanese occupation policies on the Philippines, as well as teachersʼ occupational identity. The teachers are proud of having worked at schools, because they engaged in education their entire lives and maintained good relationships with former students after the war. They considered the friendships to be evidence of their educational achievement.
著者
村井 吉敬
出版者
京都大学東南アジア研究センター
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.22, no.1, pp.75-91, 1984-06

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。
著者
田子内 進
出版者
京都大学東南アジア研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.2, pp.145-203, 2006-09-30

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。