著者

鄭 英實

出版者

Institute for Cultural Interaction Studies, Kansai University

雑誌

文化交渉における画期と創造-歴史世界と現代を通じて考える-

巻号頁・発行日

pp.65-91, 2011-03-31

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Diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan, which weresuspended during the Japanese invasions of Korea between 1592and 1598, were normalized when the Korean side asked forprisoner repatriation after the wars were over. Tokugawa Ieyasu'sdefeat of Toyotomi Hideyoshi's government and the beginning of theEdo bakufu, with a concomitant unifi cation of political interests,contributed to restored relations. As a result, Korean delegationswere dispatched to Japan between 1607 and 1811 for a total oftwelve times.The account of their experiences in an unusual foreign countryduring an age of seclusion, "Records of Missions to Japan," werewritten by the Korean envoys dispatched to Japan. Not only aremany aspects of Edo Japan portrayed in these records, but theconcrete examples depicted in them reveal how Koreans viewedJapan at the time. In particular, after the political situation in bothcountries stabilized, the main objective of the Korean missionsbecame cultural exchanges, which receive the most focus in therecords. A large number of Korean envoys recorded accounts oftheir interactions with Japanese men of letters, including theirevaluations of the Japanese they met, their feelings toward them,etc. There are diff erences in perceptions of the Korean envoystoward the same Japanese individuals depending on the respectiveranks of the Koreans and the relationships between the envoys andthe Japanese with whom they interacted. The varying shades ofamicability are palpable in the records.The records show that the fi ercest debate occurred on the Koreanside when envoys were sent in to Japan in 1711, and Arai Hakuseki(1657-1725), a Japanese statesman, requested a change in the rules for dispatching Korean missions to Japan. The chief envoy, JoTae-eok ( 1675-1728), and his deputy envoy, Yim Su-kang ( 1665-1721), immediately directed their harshest criticism at the Tsushimagovernment offi cials who served as intermediaries, as well as atArai Hakuseki. In spite of the potential for this incident to growinto a dangerous diplomatic row for both countries, interpreter KimHyeon-mun recorded very little about this or other sensitivediplomatic negotiations.When a confl ict concerning a banquet to be held at Hōkōji, thesite of Toyotomi Hideyoshi's Great Buddha, occurred in 1719, chiefenvoy Hong Chi-jung (1667-1732) sought peaceful reconciliation, butat the same time was distressed by the issue of the Seishindo.Meanwhile, even as the envoy offi cial Sin Yu-han quarreled directlywith Amenomori Hoshū (1668-1755), a Japanese interpreter andConfucian scholar, a Korean military offi cer, Jeong Hu-gyo, wrote abrief explanation concerning the Hōkōji, after which positivecritiques were made of Amenomori Hoshū and the classics.Thus, in spite of the seeming uniformity in the depictions ofenvoys' experiences in "Records of Missions to Japan," it is possibleto discern clear diff erences in the descriptions contained therein.This paper focuses on the nature of the interaction between theKorean envoys and Japanese intellectuals at the end of the Edoperiod by examining the diff erences generated by the ranks of eachenvoy and the form of interaction between the envoys and theJapanese.

著者

王 海

出版者

Institute for Cultural Interaction Studies, Kansai University

雑誌

近代世界の「言説」と「意象」 : 越境的文化交渉学の視点から

巻号頁・発行日

pp.161-178, 2012-01-31

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It is widely believed that Shiba Ryōtarō made his first decision to learn Mongolian at Osaka Foreign School as major, because he was so interested at literature about the Nomads. In fact, Shiba was failed in the previous entrance exams for Osaka High School 大阪高等学校 and Hirosaki High School 弘前高等学校. After the 9.18 Incident and the establishment of Manchuria, more Japanesegraduates were sent to work at Manchurian and Mongolian area, especially the Mongolian major students. After the frustration of the exams, it was possible for Shiba too, to dream to open a new life there. From those above, it is necessary to explore Shiba's motivation from the perspective of imperial Japan. Osaka Foreign Scholl was founded to enhance the economic communication withAsian continent at the beginning. However, with the proceedings of Japan imperialism, the school started to change its position to meet the needs for "North Expansion". Students and teachers actively participated in politics. They organized speeches, donations to support the war. Although Shiba didn't like the life in the camp, he wished to work at the secret service in Mongolia. We can see the obedience and resistance in the time from Shiba. Mongolian department published a magazine called "sakuhu". "sakuhu" was believed to inherited Oriental Studies. It demonstrates Asia history as the offense and defense between the cultivation and nomadism. Shiba was influenced by this view of history.

著者

メロッラ サブリナ

出版者

Institute for Cultural Interaction Studies, Kansai University

雑誌

文化交渉における画期と創造-歴史世界と現代を通じて考える-

巻号頁・発行日

pp.261-278, 2011-03-31

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Individuals' personal identity is closely related to their socialculturalcollective one. Therefore, if we perceive identity as that setof cultural ideas and practices which are daily learned andimplemented by members of a given society, we realize the measureof its conventional nature. Individual's identity, focused on thefeelings of an actor who identifi es with a given group, is a socialconstruct; therefore, it is provisional, conventional, contextual, andapparently tied to one space and one time, yet totally detached fromthem.Taking this perspective and refugee studies as our starting point,we will deepen the analysis of the boundary identities of exiles,focusing on the case study of the Chinese poet Yang Lian and hisliterary production of the 90s.Yang Lian, one of the forefathers of Chinese contemporary poetry,has been living outside the PRC since the Tiananmen Squareincident. We will discuss those sanwens and poems which are deeplyrooted in the traumatic experiences of violence and forced exile, inthe constantly frustrated attempt to express displacement throughpoetry, which gave birth to the free exchange between two diff erentidentities and worlds and two opposite literary forms. Yang Lian's proses from the fi rst 90s off er the very depiction of the complexityof the relationship between one poet and his own art, rooted in theunconscious birth of changing identifi cation rules.Nowadays Yang Lian, who holds a New Zealand citizenship,declares he has undergone an identitary re-birth that rebuilt him asan international poet, yet defi nitely local. He claims that theexperience of exile gave him the unique chance to experiment witha new perception of his own cultural identity, more fl uid and free,an identity which has started becoming completely borderless sincethe day he consciously decided 'to break through the limits oflanguage, to force himself to touch the border and cross it'.

著者

吉本 康子

出版者

Institute for Cultural Interaction Studies, Kansai University

雑誌

文化交渉による変容の諸相

巻号頁・発行日

pp.223-247, 2010-03-31

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This study aims to consider the process of the negotiation among various relations over a religion or religious practices through a case of Islam in southern part of Vietnam. About 67,000 muslims in Vietnam are composed of various ethnicities such as the Cham and the immigrants from India etc. This study examine how negotiations have been performed over Islamness and ethnic elements through the case of the Cham Muslim who are the majority group of people among Muslims in Vietnam. In this case, I will focus on three kinds of relations; relation among the Cham, relation between the Cham Muslim and the other Muslim, and relation between Nation state and religious group or ethnic group. The first focus is applied to the religious practice of Cham Bani, who is one type of “Muslim” in Vietnam. Then, I will examine a Islamic movement among Cham Bani occurred from 1960’s — when the Cham based Islam organization established in Saigon (present Ho Chi Minh City) — until now. And then, I will examine how the Cham or Muslim have been located under the state policy on religion. Finally, how “Islamness” in Vietnam today formed through those relations and negotiations will be discussed.

著者

岡本 佳子

出版者

Institute for Cultural Interaction Studies, Kansai University

雑誌

近代世界の「言説」と「意象」 : 越境的文化交渉学の視点から

巻号頁・発行日

pp.181-211, 2012-01-31

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Okakura Kakuzō (1863-1913) is a Japanese art critic famous for his phrase "Asia is One." This paper argues that Okakura "discovered Asia" when he visited India for the first time in 1901-02. At the turn of the twentieth century, non-Western intellectuals began to cross borders in order to pursue national goals, including anti-colonial struggles and cultural "revival" movements. The benefits of a Western education allowed some to engage in writing and speaking activities in Western languages, mostly English. Following the lead of Indian scholars, Okakura and other Japanese thinkers entered the international intellectual arena. He and others like him sought to portray the "East" as a civilization with universal values, placing it on equal terms with the West. In India, Okakura associated with Bengali elites such as Swami Vivekananda (1863-1902) and members of the Tagore family. Vivekananda was a man of strong national consciousness and universal views who asserted that being "Hindu" or being "Indian" also meant being "universal." The confidence and national consciousness of the Bengali elite had a strong influence on Okakura's creation of the idea of "Asia." During his stay in India, Okakura completed his first book in English, The Ideals of the East with Special Reference to the Art of Japan (1903) which began with the symbolic manifesto "Asia is one." In this book, he presented his idea of "Asia" not as a mere geographical concept but as a civilization with China and India as the two major sources of culture and with vast areas nonetheless united in "the Ultimate" of beauty and religion. One motivation to reveal the heights of "Asian" civilization was Okakura's belief that non-Western peoples needed a reliable standard for self-recognition independent from the Western standard. He wrote this book not only for a Western audience, but for Indians who were conversant with English. Okakura felt political sympathy for colonial India under the historical situation of Bengal where the mental and social preparation for the Swadeshi Movement from 1905 was gradually beginning. However, Okakura could not help realizing that he and Bengalis could communicate with each other only in English, the suzerain language. And he became sensitive to how the Western point of view influenced non-Western people and their interactions with each other. In this historical context, Okakura's idea of "Asia" was meant to be effective as a suggestion of reforming the cultural identity of non-West. But The Ideals of the East had another purpose with regard to Okakura's special field of Japanese art. He put Japan in the position of "a museum of Asiatic civilisation" which preserved the essence of the artistic legacies of "Asia." And thus Japanese art acquired an aesthetic value that matched its Western counterpart. On the contrary, Okakura had to prove that Japanese art was not a mere epigone of China and India but had its own unique significance and originality. This book shows while Okakura located Japanese art within the stream of beauty of "Asia," his nationalism made him seek for a Japanese "spirit" that had continued throughout history from ancient times to modify "continental" styles and produce a "national" element in art. In Bengal, Okakura set himself this complicated task to create a monolithic cultural identity known as "Asia" and to universalize Japanese art while, at the same time, he sought to particularize it as a unique national culture.

著者

史 洪智

出版者

Institute for Cultural Interaction Studies, Kansai University

雑誌

近代世界の「言説」と「意象」 : 越境的文化交渉学の視点から

巻号頁・発行日

pp.273-295, 2012-01-31

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In this essay, I have examined the Sino-Japanese relations during the ten years immediately preceding the Qinhai Revolution from three closely related perspectives. The first is the frequency with which the elite of the two countries travelled to each country. The second is the translation of editorials written by the Japanese elite on the Qing reformations that were published in each of the Chinese newspapers. The third is that many of the exchange students in Japan returned to China where they played important roles in the social reformation occurring at the end of the Qing Dynasty. I have also closely examined the influence of the Japanese legal scholars on the Qing political reformations as they were extremely important figures in the cultural exchange between the two countries and furthered the transformation of modern Chinese thought and systems.

著者

ベルテッリ ジュリオ アントニオ

出版者

Institute for Cultural Interaction Studies, Kansai University

雑誌

文化交渉における画期と創造-歴史世界と現代を通じて考える-

巻号頁・発行日

pp.93-112, 2011-03-31

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The Italo-Japanese treaty of Amity and Commerce was signedin August 1866. This treaty was signed just one year and a fewmonths before the Meiji Restoration in Japan, and right after theThird Independency War which Italy fought in order to regainVenezia and its neighboring territories. If we consider thesehistorical events, we can say that the sign of the treaty was almosta miracle.One year later, the Italian government sent a Minister (CountVittorio Sallier De La Tour) and a Consul (Mr. Cristoforo Robecchi)to Japan; their arrival offi cially started diplomatic relations betweenthe two countries.With this paper I would like to discuss the position and role ofthe fi rst Italian Minister in Japan right before the Meiji Restoration.In order to achieve this goal I will analyze some primary sources(i.e. offi cial dispatches) found in Rome, at the Historical-DiplomaticArchive of the Italian Ministry of Foreign Aff airs, and focus mainlyon the following points:1) For which reasons Italy needed a Treaty of Amity and Commercewith Japan?2) What kind of instructions did the Italian Minister in Japan obtainfrom the Italian Ministry of Foreign Aff airs?3) What kind of relations the Italian Minister had with his French counterpart Leon Roches?4) How did the Italian Minister in Japan understand the fall of theBakufu and the rise of the new Imperial Government?By answering those questions I aim to unveil some unknownaspects and underline the historical value of the Italo-Japaneserelations at the dawn of the Meiji Restoration.

著者

岡本 佳子

出版者

Institute for Cultural Interaction Studies, Kansai University

雑誌

近代世界の「言説」と「意象」 : 越境的文化交渉学の視点から

巻号頁・発行日

pp.181-211, 2012-01-31

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Okakura Kakuzō (1863-1913) is a Japanese art critic famous for his phrase "Asia is One." This paper argues that Okakura "discovered Asia" when he visited India for the first time in 1901-02. At the turn of the twentieth century, non-Western intellectuals began to cross borders in order to pursue national goals, including anti-colonial struggles and cultural "revival" movements. The benefits of a Western education allowed some to engage in writing and speaking activities in Western languages, mostly English. Following the lead of Indian scholars, Okakura and other Japanese thinkers entered the international intellectual arena. He and others like him sought to portray the "East" as a civilization with universal values, placing it on equal terms with the West. In India, Okakura associated with Bengali elites such as Swami Vivekananda (1863-1902) and members of the Tagore family. Vivekananda was a man of strong national consciousness and universal views who asserted that being "Hindu" or being "Indian" also meant being "universal." The confidence and national consciousness of the Bengali elite had a strong infl uence on Okakura's creation of the idea of "Asia." During his stay in India, Okakura completed his first book in English, The Ideals of the East with Special Reference to the Art of Japan (1903) which began with the symbolic manifesto "Asia is one." In this book, he presented his idea of "Asia" not as a mere geographical concept but as a civilization with China and India as the two major sources of culture and with vast areas nonetheless united in "the Ultimate" of beauty and religion. One motivation to reveal the heights of "Asian" civilization was Okakura's belief that non-Western peoples needed a reliable standard for self-recognition independent from the Western standard. He wrote this book not only for a Western audience, but for Indians who were conversant with English. Okakura felt political sympathy for colonial India under the historical situation of Bengal where the mental and social preparation for the Swadeshi Movement from 1905 was gradually beginning. However, Okakura could not help realizing that he and Bengalis could communicate with each other only in English, the suzerain language. And he became sensitive to how the Western point of view influenced non-Western people and their interactions with each other. In this historical context, Okakura's idea of "Asia" was meant to be effective as a suggestion of reforming the cultural identity of non-West. But The Ideals of the East had another purpose with regard to Okakura's special field of Japanese art. He put Japan in the position of "a museum of Asiatic civilisation" which preserved the essence of the artistic legacies of "Asia." And thus Japanese art acquired an aesthetic value that matched its Western counterpart. On the contrary, Okakura had to prove that Japanese art was not a mere epigone of China and India but had its own unique significance and originality. This book shows while Okakura located Japanese art within the stream of beauty of "Asia," his nationalism made him seek for a Japanese "spirit" that had continued throughout history from ancient times to modify "continental" styles and produce a "national" element in art. In Bengal, Okakura set himself this complicated task to create a monolithic cultural identity known as "Asia" and to universalize Japanese art while, at the same time, he sought to particularize it as a unique national culture.

著者

千葉 謙悟

出版者

Institute for Cultural Interaction Studies, Kansai University

雑誌

文化交渉による変容の諸相

巻号頁・発行日

pp.327-350, 2010-03-31

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セッション3 文化交渉と媒体による言語伝播―翻訳、ツール、教育―

著者

ル・ルー ブレンダン

出版者

Institute for Cultural Interaction Studies, Kansai University

雑誌

文化交渉における画期と創造-歴史世界と現代を通じて考える-

巻号頁・発行日

pp.113-137, 2011-03-31

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The so-called «Ansei Five-Power Treaties» signed in 1858 madepossible for US, Russian, Dutch, English and French nationals to livein the open ports of Japan. As a consequence, missionaries alsobegan to arrive there, and among them were the two fi rst Frenchmissionaries to live in Mainland Japan, father Girard in Edo andKanagawa (arrived 6 Sept. 1859) and father Mermet in Hakodate(arrived 25 Nov. 1859).Born in Sept. 1828, Mermet entered the seminary of the ParisForeign Missions in 1852, and after having been ordained, he left forJapan on 25 Aug. 1854. From February 1855, he stayed in theRyûkyû Islands in order to learn Japanese, but he had to go back toHong-Kong in October 1856. Nevertheless, when he arrived inHakodate, Mermet, who had also taken part as Baron Gros'interpreter in the negotiations for the fi rst Japanese-French treatyin October 1858, already had a deep knowledge of Japan and of theJapanese language. He then stayed in Hakodate until the summer of1863, but as the propagation of Christianity was still forbidden inJapan from the spring of 1864, he had to engage into many otheractivities. After having returned to France for a short time, Mermet wasengaged as interpreter by Roches, the second French Minister inJapan from the spring 1864. During the two years and a half thathe served at the French legation, he again took part in a widerange of activities. The one that we wish to talk about in thisarticle is the role that Mermet played during the negotiations forthe first Italian-Japanese treaty, which took place between july and september 1866.

著者

吉本 康子

出版者

Institute for Cultural Interaction Studies, Kansai University

雑誌

文化交渉による変容の諸相

巻号頁・発行日

pp.223-247, 2010-03-31

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セッション2 エスニック要素と宗教実践、そして宗教コミュニティ形成の文化交渉