文献一覧: Japan Association for Asian Studies (出版者)

2 0 0 0 中国の核ミサイル開発と国際的拡散防止レジームへの対応

著者: 阿部純一
出版者: Japan Association for Asian Studies
雑誌: アジア研究 (ISSN:00449237)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.53, no.3, pp.4-24, 2007

Due to its adversarial relationship with the United States and the Soviet Union, China developed nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles during the 1960s and 1970s in order to have its own deterrent. By the beginning of the 1980s, China had completed a series of liquid-fueled ballistic missiles, in particular the DF-5 ICBM, that covered all of the North American continent.Since then, China has begun to develop a second generation of ballistic missiles; these are powered by solid fuel and and can be moved by road, and so have enhanced responsiveness and survivability. By the end of 1980s, China had developed the JL-1 SLBM and its variant, the DF-21MRBM, although the Xia-class SSBN (Type 092), which was the platform of the JL-1, was unsuccessful and has never been a real strategic asset. China is now attempting to develop the DF-31 ICBM and its variant, the JL-2 SLBM, which will be stable retaliatory forces. The Jin-class new generation SSBN (Type 094), which carries the JL-2, is also under development. As a latecomer to the nuclear club, China resisted joining international non-proliferation regimes, especially the Partial Test Ban Treaty (PTBT) and the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), under which China accused the United States and the Soviet Union of being a" nuclear dictatorship." However, in 1992, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, China joined the NPT and changed its position to support international non-proliferation. In spite of its position, China has continuously exported nuclear technology and ballistic missiles and missile-related materials to Pakistan and other countries. This behavior of China has been regarded by the United States as causing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction(WMDs). Since late 1980s, the United States has organized a Missile Technology Control Regime(MTCR) with the G8 member countries and legislated domestic laws prohibiting proliferatiig behaviors by other countries. The United States has taken unilateral economic sanctions against countries violating US laws. And since 1991, China has been a main target of these US economic sanctions. In the 1990s, China itself made efforts to legislate its domestic regulations controlling exports relating to WMDs, but since 2001, under the Bush administration, the United States has takensanctions against China as many as 19 times. Hence, it can be said that China's behavior in terms of nuclear proliferation has resulted in a bilateral dispute between the United States and China.

2021-10-19 12:30:06
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2 0 0 0 日本軍票の貨幣史的考察(一)

著者: 岩武照彦
出版者: Japan Association for Asian Studies
雑誌: アジア研究 (ISSN:00449237)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.27, no.1, pp.61-82, 1980

2019-04-25 13:19:10
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2 0 0 0 黄彬華・呉俊剛編、田中恭子訳『シンガポールの政治哲学―リー・クアンユー首相演説集』

著者: 鎌田文彦
出版者: Japan Association for Asian Studies
雑誌: アジア研究 (ISSN:00449237)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.36, no.2, pp.103-108, 1990

2018-04-03 15:34:34
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2 0 0 0 冷戦の二日酔い:在比米軍基地とフィリピン・ナショナリズム

著者: 藤原帰一
出版者: Japan Association for Asian Studies
雑誌: アジア研究 (ISSN:00449237)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.39, no.2, pp.67-84, 1993

2016-10-21 12:07:35
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2 0 0 0 C.F.ロマヌス・R.サンダーランド「世界第二次大戦」におけるアメリカ軍隊・中国・ビルマ・インド戦線・スチュウエル指揮の問題

著者: 山極晃
出版者: Japan Association for Asian Studies
雑誌: アジア研究 (ISSN:00449237)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.3, no.3, pp.107-109, 1957

2016-05-08 03:01:09
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2 0 0 0 レーニン主義からファシズムへ:蒋介石と独裁政治モデル

著者: 樹中毅
出版者: Japan Association for Asian Studies
雑誌: アジア研究 (ISSN:00449237)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.51, no.1, pp.1-17, 2005
被引用文献数: 2

In the 1920s and the 1930s, Leninism and fascism were the two dictatorship models imitated by the Chiang Kai-shek regime in China. In this study, I would like to discuss the characteristics of Chiang's dictatorship and the development of his ideology by focusing on how he brought Leninism into his policy and his transformation of Leninism into fascism. The legitimacy of the Kuomintang's (KMT) party-state was based on the principle of party dictatorship. The KMT's formal ideology lacked the ability to build a party-state system, and therefore Chiang Kai-shek had to use the prevailing models of dictatorship from Russia, Italy and Germany as his basis. Essentially, Chiang Kai-shek was an anti-communist. Notwithstanding the ideological conflict between Leninism and fascism, Chiang combined democratic centralism and the Führerprinzip into a model of a party-state regime for the KMT. Although there was an ideological conflict between Leninism and fascism, as far as proposing an elitist dictatorship, power centralization, rigid organization and the negation of human rights were concerned, the two ideologies were completely coherent. Chiang Kai-shek attempted to establish the party-state by building centralism and Führerprinzip into a formal system of ideology. Leninism and fascism were most influential under the KMT's political regime, especially in the following three aspects: (i) the strategy of the National Movement; (ii) the establishment of the revolutionary dictatorship; and (iii) the principle of organization. Therefore, the dictatorship of Chiang Kai-shek can be seen as a mixture of Leninism and fascism. Nevertheless, Chiang did not accept Leninism and fascism unconditionally. Originally, Leninism was created to realize the Marxist revolution, while fascism was characterized by conquest and ethnocentrism; however, Chiang Kai-shek separated class conflicts from Leninism and disconnected fascism from ethnocentrism. In this way, without incorporating the concepts of communism and conquest, the National Revolution Movement launched by the KMT modified the western ideology of dictatorship and turned it into a simple model for dictatorship. What Chiang seriously feared was the lack of the rigid party organization necessary to support the strong one-party politics essential to Leninism and fascism. In fact, because the KMT was organizationally weak, Chiang Kai-shek could not establish himself as a charismatic leadership in the mould of Stalin, Hitler and Mussolini. Although Chiang's dictatorial regime had the characteristics of the party-state and totalitarianism, its actual method of ruling was different from that of Leninism and fascism. The structure of the one-party dictatorship created by the KMT was an authoritarian regime based on military force.

2016-03-06 15:54:45
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1 0 0 0 経済成長と宗教ナショナリズム―2014年総選挙から見たインド社会

著者: 中溝和弥
出版者: Japan Association for Asian Studies
雑誌: アジア研究 (ISSN:00449237)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.61, no.4, pp.3-21, 2015

Can we interpret the result of the 2014 general elections in India as the re-emergence of Hindu nationalism? If we can, does this mean that the majority support exclusive nationalism that is propagated by Hindu nationalists? In this article, in order to answer these questions, I analyze elector's voting behavior at national, state, and village levels. At the national level, the election issues were the mal-governance of the incumbent UPA government as exemplified by stagflation and corruption, and the exalted hope in the capacity of Narendra Modi's decisive leadership to solve these economic difficulties. In this election, the lower strata of society, that is, the Lower Backward Castes and Scheduled Castes, who were not traditional supporters of the BJP, voted for Narendra Modi's BJP. In this sense, the BJP succeeded in consolidating the long-awaited "Hindu vote" in a loose way. This does not necessarily mean that the "Hindu vote" supports the exclusive Hindu nationalism that was expressed during the 2002 Gujarat carnage. However, they did implicitly endorse the political decision that Modi took at that time. In Bihar, which the BJP has been eager to capture for a long time but had failed to do so, the BJP and its alliance won the election. On analysis, the voting behavior in the state shows the same trend as at the national level. Considering the good reputation of the incumbent JD(U) state government, this result may reflect strategic voting behavior in which many voters took account of the national elections. However, we can observe that the "Hindu vote" is loosely taking shape in Bihar, also. Lastly, at the village level, the BJP could not win in the constituency where I conducted my fieldwork. However, the BJP candidate did succeed in getting a considerable number of votes. In a Yadav dominated village, most Yadavs supported the RJD, which is known as the Yadav's party, and the Scheduled Castes supported the JD(U) government. However, among stubborn supporters of the RJD, there were some who held out strong hopes for Modi. Their main concerns are economic issues, not the exclusion of minorities. In conclusion, BJP's victory represents the aspiration of voters for economic betterment. On the other hand, the political responsibility for the 2002 Gujarat carnage has become a thing of the past. The present Modi BJP government does not seem interested in instigating religious violence to consolidate their power. However, if they fail to meet voters' aspirations, the danger of a violent exclusion of the minority is ever-present as Hindu nationalists have vigorously conducted an anti-Muslim campaign since Modi seized power.