著者
中溝 和弥
出版者
Japan Association for Asian Studies
雑誌
アジア研究 (ISSN:00449237)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.61, no.4, pp.3-21, 2015

Can we interpret the result of the 2014 general elections in India as the re-emergence of Hindu nationalism? If we can, does this mean that the majority support exclusive nationalism that is propagated by Hindu nationalists? In this article, in order to answer these questions, I analyze elector's voting behavior at national, state, and village levels. <BR>At the national level, the election issues were the mal-governance of the incumbent UPA government as exemplified by stagflation and corruption, and the exalted hope in the capacity of Narendra Modi's decisive leadership to solve these economic difficulties. In this election, the lower strata of society, that is, the Lower Backward Castes and Scheduled Castes, who were not traditional supporters of the BJP, voted for Narendra Modi's BJP. In this sense, the BJP succeeded in consolidating the long-awaited "Hindu vote" in a loose way. This does not necessarily mean that the "Hindu vote" supports the exclusive Hindu nationalism that was expressed during the 2002 Gujarat carnage. However, they did implicitly endorse the political decision that Modi took at that time. <BR>In Bihar, which the BJP has been eager to capture for a long time but had failed to do so, the BJP and its alliance won the election. On analysis, the voting behavior in the state shows the same trend as at the national level. Considering the good reputation of the incumbent JD(U) state government, this result may reflect strategic voting behavior in which many voters took account of the national elections. However, we can observe that the "Hindu vote" is loosely taking shape in Bihar, also. <BR>Lastly, at the village level, the BJP could not win in the constituency where I conducted my fieldwork. However, the BJP candidate did succeed in getting a considerable number of votes. In a Yadav dominated village, most Yadavs supported the RJD, which is known as the Yadav's party, and the Scheduled Castes supported the JD(U) government. However, among stubborn supporters of the RJD, there were some who held out strong hopes for Modi. Their main concerns are economic issues, not the exclusion of minorities. <BR>In conclusion, BJP's victory represents the aspiration of voters for economic betterment. On the other hand, the political responsibility for the 2002 Gujarat carnage has become a thing of the past. The present Modi BJP government does not seem interested in instigating religious violence to consolidate their power. However, if they fail to meet voters' aspirations, the danger of a violent exclusion of the minority is ever-present as Hindu nationalists have vigorously conducted an anti-Muslim campaign since Modi seized power.
著者
吉田 修 北川 将之 上田 知亮 石坂 晋哉 油井 美春 長崎 暢子 志賀 美和子 木村 真希子 舟橋 健太 中溝 和弥 田辺 明生 三輪 博樹 伊藤 融 小川 道大 小西 公大 近藤 則夫 森 悠子 和田 一哉 佐藤 仁美
出版者
広島大学
雑誌
基盤研究(A)
巻号頁・発行日
2012-04-01

20人弱の日本のインド政治・社会研究者がインドにおける州への分権化・自治の進展について共同・分担して分析を行った。その研究結果は2014年度アジア政経学会西日本大会で発表するとともに同学会誌『アジア研究』第62巻第4号に特集として掲載され、インド政治が一国家の枠内にありながら州を単位とした比較政治の対象でもありうること、また政治的に進展した分権化が全国レベルでの緩やかな統合を可能にしていることが、インド研究の政治学全体への貢献として提示できることが示された。この成果はインドの「社会経済変化研究所」で国際セミナーを開催することでインド国内にもインパクトを与え、今後の国際共同研究に道を開いた。
著者
中溝 和弥
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
基盤研究(C)
巻号頁・発行日
2011

本研究においては、民主制の下で社会集団間の暴力的対立を解決する条件を探ることを目的とした。手法として、宗教暴動、カースト間対立、階級対立の激しさで知られるインドのビハール州、グジャラート州、アーンドラ・プラデーシュ州の比較分析を行った。その結果、次の三点が明らかになった。第一に、暴力的対立が起こる要因として社会・経済的格差の存在が重要であること、第二に、暴力的対立を克服するために、NGOなどの市民社会のアクターが重要な役割を担っていること、最後に、暴力の克服のためには、市民社会の活動に頼るばかりではなく、暴力的対立を防ぐための制度改革が必要であることである。