著者

友次 晋介

出版者

人間環境学研究会

雑誌

人間環境学研究 (ISSN:13485253)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.2, pp.107-127, 2009 (Released:2010-01-14)

被引用文献数

1

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This paper examines (1) how the Ford Administration tried to persuade South Korea to give up obtaining the spent nuclear fuel reprocessing plant and their related technologies, which were one of the most sensitive among peaceful nuclear use, and (2) how the Carter Administration solved the dispute with Japan over the operation of its first reprocessing plant in Tokai-Mura. The Ford Administration found the multinational reprocessing concept as a solution to persuade South Korea to forgo its possession of reprocessing plant. In this concept, the multinational reprocessing plant was supposed to be established in territories of a more reliable nation, while the neighboring nations in sensitive areas were to be allowed to access that facility and gain the benefits in exchange for giving up its own reprocessing. The Ford administration tried to get the Japanese help to realize this concept. In the end, South Korea abandoned its reprocessing option because of the U.S. intimidation that the acquisition of reprocessing plant could have a negative impact on the U.S.-Korean bilateral security partnership. The Carter Administration, on the other hand, considered a reprocessing option uneconomic and even universally harmful in terms of proliferation risk, and so it called for a stronger effort to stop the spread of reprocessing plants. As such, the Carter Administration itself abandoned the reprocessing option domestically, while requesting the Japanese to reconsider the operation of the Tokai-Mura plant in attempt to demonstrate that it would seek the universal goal. Thus although the Carter Administration ended up giving concession to the Japanese government, the agreement was made on the condition that Japan's first reprocessing plant was to be operated on experimental basis for the first two years to obtain the technical data for the creation of the international regime to prevent the spread of sensitive technologies.

著者

友次 晋介

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.1, pp.1_360-1_380, 2013 (Released:2016-07-01)

被引用文献数

1

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The Imperial Japanese Government before WWII maintained its deliberate indifference to the claim repeated by Lieutenant Nobu Shirase for Japanese territorial right over Antarctica. Finding this inhabitable terrainno economic value at least for the short term, the prewar Japanese government focused on preventing other countries' exclusive dominion and retaining the nation's access to the future use of the continent. Such prewar political tradition was inherited by the postwar Japanese government under the new framework of San Francisco Peace Treaty. As the potential values of Antarctica grew along with the technological advancement of equipment and increasing possibility of the use of nuclear energy, it became more rational for Japan to secure the “open door” policy in which any country would not be excluded from Antarctica. Japan's policy towards the South Pole in this period implicitly contained a political realism as opposed to its expressed idealism and reflected the added influence of scientific and technological development, symbolized by nuclear energy, in the international dynamism.

著者

友次 晋介

出版者

広島大学平和科学研究センター

雑誌

広島平和科学 (ISSN:03863565)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, pp.117-126, 2018-03

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Whereas the goals of gender-mainstreaming were steadily set in many fields especially related to the environment, welfare, and development since the late 1990s, the pace of developing the argument on gender balance in the international arena of nuclear disarmament was very slow. Under such circumstances, United Nation Security Council resolution 1325 (2000) was surely a landmark because the necessity of gender-consciousness was clearly expressed in the field of security issues. The resolution 1325 mainly aimed at promoting gender equality in peacebuilding process after the internal armed conflicts, although activists and experts started to link the gender and the interstate matters of nuclear disarmament, in line with the spirit of the resolution. Nonetheless, there were still few discussions regarding the gender equality in nuclear disarmament for a decade after that resolution was adopted. It was the presentation by Ms. Mary Olson, policy expert at Nuclear Information and Resource Service who changed the situation. Her presentation at the Vienna Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons in December 2014, demonstrated the evidence that radiation damage could be more serious to women. Her argument encouraged Ireland to advocate gender equality more progressively in the policy field of nuclear disarmament by presenting a working paper titled "Gender, Development and Nuclear Weapons" to the 2020 NPT Review Conference Preparation Committee held in May 2017. It is also worth mentioning that Olson made a speech at the Vienna Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons that facilitated a discussion for the adoption of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. In the preamble of this treaty, significance of gender-mainstreaming was clearly stipulated. Meanwhile, International Law and Policy Institute (ILPI) and United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNDIR) jointly published an influential report "Gender, Development and Nuclear Weapons" in 2016. Gender conscious arguments are considered to be getting more observable from thereafter.

著者

友次 晋介

出版者

国際安全保障学会

雑誌

国際安全保障 (ISSN:13467573)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.1, pp.116-120, 2017-06-30 (Released:2022-04-01)

著者

友次 晋介

出版者

国際安全保障学会

雑誌

国際安全保障 (ISSN:13467573)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.4, pp.90-105, 2011-03-31 (Released:2022-04-14)