著者

周 俊

出版者

独立行政法人 日本貿易振興機構アジア経済研究所

雑誌

アジア経済 (ISSN:00022942)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.4, pp.2-32, 2022-12-15 (Released:2022-12-26)

参考文献数

143

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広義には調査研究に位置づけられる中央指導者による地方視察は,中国政治を理解する重要なポイントである。本稿は歴史学的アプローチとGISによる可視化の手法を用いて,これまで光が当てられてこなかった毛沢東などの中央指導者による視察の行動様式,諸機能の実態,及び政策過程における視察の意義を考察する。指導者の視察は国内外向けの宣伝材料に転じて宣伝機能を発揮した場合があるものの,その基本的な機能は情報収集であると思われる。しかし,それは往々にして空間的な「壁」と官僚制の「壁」によって阻まれ,「特殊な者」としての毛沢東でさえも例外ではなかった。1955年農業集団化の問題の考察を通じて,視察は末端の実態を客観的に認知する方法というよりも,むしろ,毛沢東が自らの正当性を裏づけるための道具であることが明らかになった。つまり,毛沢東が視察を利用して自らの主張に見合う証拠を探し,政策決定の主導権を握ろうとする構図が看取できる。

著者

周 俊宇

出版者

日本台湾学会

雑誌

日本台湾学会報 (ISSN:13449834)

巻号頁・発行日

no.16, pp.59-83, 2014-06

著者

周 俊

出版者

一般財団法人 アジア政経学会

雑誌

アジア研究 (ISSN:00449237)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.3, pp.19-36, 2021-07-31 (Released:2021-08-12)

参考文献数

78

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Neibu Cankao (NC) is widely recognized as one of China’s classified internal bulletins, yet little is known about its functions and how it shaped the central-local relations in the country. NC began its publication by the Xinhua News Agency in 1949 as a daily bulletin, documenting sensitive domestic topics which were not suitable for public release, such as riots, cases of corruption, accidents, and outbreaks of infectious disease. Its circulation was limited, with only senior cadres of the CCP being granted access. Despite its similarity with the Soviet bulletin system, NC was a product of the CCP’s own attempt at solving the information dilemma of its dictatorship, and thus served as an important tool for gathering information. It also played a crucial role in the supervision of lower cadres, while at the same time providing the central committee of the CCP—and more importantly, Mao Zedong, with a way to exert influence on policymaking. However, the full realization of its functions faced several challenges. First, the Xinhua journalists responsible for NC were often mistrusted, as most of them were highly educated young people, who lacked revolutionary experience and came from bourgeois families. Second, NC’s independence was hampered by the increasing inferences of local party committees. Though the journalists could criticize local party committees and were backed by Hu Qiaomu (or more precisely—by Mao), in 1953 Liu Shaoqi granted the committees with permission to review NC manuscripts, because he believed them to be more trustworthy. These local interventions put journalists in a very risky position, especially when they disagreed with local authorities or made critical comments on local issues. This led to NC’s becoming a mouthpiece for local party committees, rather than a political tool of the central party committee. Finally, Mao used to constantly send instructions on policymaking to senior cadres via NC, reminding them of what they should focus on. This forced journalists to shift their attention from issues they considered important to what were essentially Mao’s concerns. In sum, NC was stuck between the pressures from both the central and the local committees of the party, which ended up putting it at a constant risk of disfunction. Ultimately, the plight of NC was a reflection of the structural problems in the CCP’s rule.

著者

周 俊宇

出版者

獨協大学国際教養学部言語文化学科

雑誌

マテシス・ウニウェルサリス = Mathesis universalis : bulletin of the Department of Interdisciplinary Studies (ISSN:13452770)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.2, pp.169-210, 2020-03

著者

周 俊

出版者

早稲田大学大学院アジア太平洋研究科出版・編集委員会

雑誌

アジア太平洋研究科論集 (ISSN:13466348)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, pp.51-66, 2017-03