著者

大石 一男

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2004, no.139, pp.45-59,L8, 2004-11-29 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

62

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Were they harmonious with each other, treaty revisions by Munemitu Mutsu and the Sino-Japanese War? This article tried to examine this problem.Shigenobu Okuma (1888-89 in office), one of the minister for foreign affairs in this period, has been thought as a political rival against Okuma's predecessor Kaoru Inoue and the succeeding prime minister Hirobumi Ito. But, when you investigate their own personal histories, the planning process for the Okuma's negotiation, and the character of the negotiating strategy after Okuma retired, it will be apparent that they three politicians —“Kaimei-Ha” or an enlightenment party— had much common points. They thought that treaty revisions, especially the recovery of tariff autonomy, should take first priority, and that an advance to East Asia should be restrained with all their might.Then, why Okuma failed and the cooperation of them three ceased? The reason was that there were some middle-management bureaucrats who were hostile to the common thought of the three politicians. They were active behind the scenes, agitated “the public opinions”, and tried to tear Kaimei-Ha into pieces to prevent the treaty revisions. The typical example was Kowashi Inoue. And as a result, Mutsu the minister for foreign affairs, who were forced to begin the negotiations under insufficient condition, was heavily criticized by “Taigai-Ko-Ha” or hard-liners for foreign affairs. And finally he decided to enter the war. Kaimei-Ha was in power almost throughout in this period because they have the clearest foresight, but small number of them made themselves powerless against internal betrayal or terrorism. So they could not yield sufficient success.

著者

大石 一男

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学文学部内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, no.4, pp.486-517, 2004-07

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個人情報保護のため削除部分あり大隈条約改正交渉の収拾策としての明治二二年一二月一○日付閣議決定は、井上毅法制局長・伊東枢密院書記官長らの批准拒絶方針と、井上馨農商相・青木外相代理らの修正要求提起方針とを、後者を柱にしつつも両論併記した。一方、日本政府のこの弱体・分裂状態にドイツ等他の列強が取り入ったり、第一議会を強硬な条約廃棄論が席巻して政府を暴発に導いたりすることを危ぶむイギリスは、外国人裁判官任用要求を放棄した対案の早期提出で主導権をとる決断を下す。責任転嫁の対象を「英政府対案」で奪われ、対等条約の主張への配慮から本交渉開始にも踏み切れず、山県首相は対応に苦慮した。結局、第一議会後に青木外相が本交渉開始へ暴走して山県は政権を放棄し、青木が事実上更迭されて条約改正問題は凍結される。ただその結果は、日本は大隈交渉の白紙撤回、イギリスはスケープゴートにされる危険の回避、という各自の目標を一応達成したことをも意味していた。