著者

河村 望

出版者

新日本出版社

雑誌

文化評論 (ISSN:0521789X)

巻号頁・発行日

no.105, pp.45-55, 1970-06

著者

河村 望

出版者

The Japan Sociological Society

雑誌

社会学評論 (ISSN:00215414)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.4, pp.431-445, 1990-03-31 (Released:2009-11-11)

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日本では、社会科学は西欧からの輸入科学として、主として帝国大学のなかで成立、発展してきた。社会学も、官学アカデミズムのなかで、国家学の亜種として形成されていった。したがって、市民社会の自己認識の学としての社会学の批判性は、当初から希薄であった。そのなかで、清水幾太郎氏は、マルクス主義の立場から日本で最初にブルジョア社会学を批判した人であり、マルクス主義者から転向したのちも、アメリカ社会学、社会心理学の方法を取り入れ、戦後の日本を代表する社会学者になった。本稿はその清水氏の追悼論文であるが、ここでは主として、清水氏がマルクスおよびミードの学説を、経験的世界における生命活動、実践の見地からとらえていないこと、したがって、きわめて客観主義的にかれらの理論をとらえていることを問題にしていった。清水氏がマルクスおよびマルクス主義を理解しえなかったことは、すでに繰り返し指摘されているが、清水氏のマルクスにたいする誤解が、そのままミードにたいする氏の誤解につながっていることは、本稿において初めて明らかにされることであろう。このような事実は、清水社会学の社会学という問題だけでなく、広く日本における知識社会学の問題をも提示している。日本にあっては、人間解放の理論も、プラグマティズムも、抽象的一般理論として受けとめられ、論じられてきたのである。

著者

河村 望

出版者

The Japan Sociological Society

雑誌

社会学評論 (ISSN:00215414)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.2, pp.34-43, 1966-12-10 (Released:2010-12-10)

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By the defeat “Nipponshugi shakaigaku” (Japanese national sociology) which had been dominaht under the absolute Tenno system, practically lost its power, and in its place empirical and positive sociology, influenced by American sociology, prospered. Notwithstanding that this positive sociology and Marxism thory fundamentally are hostile to each other, criticism from the Marxist side of sociology was not sufficiently made in those days, and sociology akin to Marxism only dealt with the confrontation of the non-scientific Tenno system's ideology.About 1950 the theory of “structural=functional analysis” of American sociologists such as Parsons and Merton began to be introduced, and after 1955 the apposition between sociology and Marxism became clear as the theory of “mass society” lost ground. At this stage there appeared those who stood for the “critical absorption” of Marxism within sociology. They were discontented with the non-historical and super-class theory of American sociology and psychology, so they intended to develop positive sociology accepting Marxism as a grand framework. But they eventually couldn't deduce more than the protection of the past sociological method and the denial of Marxism.If we call these people “arbitrationists”, those who “absorb critically” the empirical thory of sociology from a Marxist view and intend to develop Marxism “creatively” can be called “revisionism”. It was after 1960 that this standpoint became clear as one current, and it has been greatly influenced by the revival of sociology in the sociolist states of East Europe and the U. S. S. R. and the opinion of Marxist sociology which is distinguished from a materialistic conception of history. Lately by introducing theories of “industrialized society” and “modernization” into the field of sociology, an attempt to confront Marxist theory extensively has been made.When I make a future observation from the above current, it is presumed that in so far as the attack on or revision of Marxism is made in the name of sociology, apposition between sociology and Marxism will strengthen thier hostile relation as an ideological apposition in Japan, too. In this trend Marxist sociology will make its revisionistic character clearer. And the ideological conflict between them will be continued unabel sociology as the bourgeois ideology is completely extinguished by the ruin of the bourgeoisie.

著者

河村 望

出版者

新日本出版社

雑誌

文化評論 (ISSN:0521789X)

巻号頁・発行日

no.239, pp.p127-138, 1981-03

著者

河村 望

出版者

東京女子大学

雑誌

東京女子大学紀要論集 (ISSN:04934350)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.1, pp.59-84, 1998-09-24

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Japanese capitalist society has been treated thus far as a concept which has nothing to do with Japanese culture and the Japanese nation. Karl Marx described a capitalist society as a society in which the bourgeoisie, which has money and capital, exploits and rules the proletariate, which has nothing but their own ability to work. Thus, ecomony was considered the base or infrastructure of the society, while legal and political institutions and many forms of ideas were seen as superstructures. In this way, the capitalist culture has been merely seen as a means for the greedy pursuit of profit. According to Marx, religion is an "opiate of the people." Also, Marx was not interested in any indigenous culture, including that of the West. In contrast to this position, Max Weber defined modern capitalism as a rational profit-making organization based on the Protestant ethic. The Puritans had protested against the traditional idea which divided this world and the next world. The souls of the people could not be relieved in this world; they could be relieved only in heaven. Thus, the traditionalism which thought of religion as a means of proding relief in heaven prevailed before modernization. Weber emphasized that the Puritans, especially the Calvinists, taught that, instead of being worried whether or not one is saved, one should devote one's life to increasing the glory of God on Earth. To increase the glory of God is to sacrifice oneself to his calling and to practice an ascetic life. According to Weber, the accumulation of money as the natural result of this shows the grace of God. However, this thin overcoat which man could take off anytime became an iron cage in which he was locked. Thus, rational capitalism and its spirit are products only of the West, that is, of the Protestant Christian culture. Confucianism, which values outward forms, cannot be the spirit of rational capitalism. In the Oriental family-and community-based society there have been distinctive differences between the inner ethic and the outer ethic and between the inner economy and the outer economy. This dualism has hampered the establishment of universalism in the fields of ethics and the economy. In his "Introduction" to the Paperback Edition of Tokugawa Religion (1985), Robert Bellah said that a central point of his argument was that Japan had found an adequate "functional equivalent" for the universal ethic of Protestant Christianity, which had contributed so signally in the West to modern developments in the economy, in politics, and so on. Therefore, Bellah evaluated his own book as "one of the few sustained efforts to apply a Weberian sociological perspective to a case that Weber himself did not seriously study. The questions it raises are perennial ones in Japanese studies." Bellah pointed out that, in Japan, the Jodo Shinshu of Buddhism, the study of the mind by Ishida Baigan, the moral and economic teachings of Ninomiya Sontoku, etc. played the same role as the Protestant ethic. However, he denied the ability of Japan to sustain an ethical universalism, saying that most Japanese are still closely tied into groups that demand their loyalty and so cut them off from sympathy with outsiders. He could not understand an ethical universalism which was not based on individualism. In Japan, the basic unit of the community is not the individual but the household, that is, husband and wife. In Japan, a grave is a family grave, and a husband and wife who live in this world are thought also to live together in the next world. Naturally, therefore, in Japan the rational capitalistic organization has been based on the household. The Japanese business organization, like the Japanese household, has an eternal continuity beyond that of individuals. Such a characteristic comes from the religion of Mahanaya Buddhism, which teaches an altruistic moral theory. Like the Protestant, the Mahanaya Buddhist must devote himself to his calling and practice asceticism in order to thank Buddha for his earthly benefits. An altruistic activity is one which repays one's debt of gratitude to Buddha, who saves all persons, whether good or wicked. The spirit of Japanese capitalism once seemed set to disappear before Japan's wholesale Westernization, and it seemed that the Japanese spirit and Japanese technology were being replaced by the Western spirit and Western technology. Just as English has not become the Japanese national language, though, the so-called Japanese tradition, Japanese culture, and Japanese spirit have not lost their significance and have not been replaced by the Western spirit of capitalism.