著者
田中 健夫
出版者
東京女子大学
雑誌
東京女子大学紀要論集 (ISSN:04934350)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.71, no.2, pp.119-134, 2021-03-30

It is an important practical issue to understand and intervene in the minds of perpetrators in clinical psychological support for those who have committed harmful acts. It is important to distinguish between the perpetrator’s own past experiences of victimization, such as being abused, and their sense of victimhood. One of the origins of victimhood is identification with the aggressor’s guilt that was internalized through the experience of being abused. This paper discusses the importance of the client’s development of guilt, intervening to understand the client’s train of thought, and sharing the psychological circumstances that compel the client to become dissociative.臨床心理学的な支援において、加害行為に至った者の心の中にある被害体験と被害者意識をいかに理解し取り扱っていくのかは重要な実践的課題である。加害者が実際に経験をした過去の被虐待などの被害体験と、被害者意識とを識別することがまずは重要である。被害者意識は、被虐待経験を通して内面化された攻撃者の罪悪感への同一化にひとつの起源がある。罪悪感を発達させること、クライエントの思考の筋道を把握するための介入、解離的にならざるをえない心的状況を共有していくことの大切さについて考察した。
著者
斉藤 慎一
出版者
東京女子大学
雑誌
東京女子大学紀要論集 (ISSN:04934350)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.73, no.1, pp.161-179, 2022-09-30

Dutton and Aron’s (1974) suspension bridge experiment is one of the most renowned studies in the field of psychology related to romantic love. Their study has been frequently mentioned in popular psychology books and on Internet sites, but these sources often oversimplify the results of the experiments and thus mislead readers. Based on the numerical values reported by Dutton and Aron, this study reproduced their data and reanalyzed it in order to find out what their experiment actually revealed. In addition, this study examined whether Dutton and Aron’s interpretation of their results was convincing.Dutton and Aron(1974)による揺れる吊り橋を使った実験は、恋愛に関する心理学的研究の中で最も有名なものの一つであろう。一般向けの書籍やインターネットのサイトなどで俗に「恋の吊り橋効果」などと呼ばれているものの元になった研究であるが、多くの場合内容が断片的にのみ取り上げられ、また結果が過度に単純化されていて、読者に誤解を生み出している場合が少なくない。本論文では、Dutton and Aron(1974)に報告されている数値から彼らが使用したデータを再現し、データの再分析を行いながら、揺れる吊り橋を使った2つのフィールド実験について詳しく解説し、彼らの実験から実際に何が明らかになったのかを検証した。また、Duttonらが仮説を立てる際に依拠した理論の一つに、Schachter and Singer(1962)の情動2要因理論があるが、本論文ではDuttonらの結果の解釈の妥当性についても検討した。
著者
國原 美佐子
出版者
東京女子大学
雑誌
東京女子大学紀要論集 (ISSN:04934350)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.2, pp.27-53, 1994-03-16

The purpose of this paper is to consider the establishment of the tosenbugyo 唐船奉行 to regulate foreign relations, and the reason why Ino-Yamato no kami-Sadatsura 飯尾大和守貞連 was appointed as the first tosenbugyo. In the fourth year of Eikyo 永享 (1432), the diplomatic relations, which featured the tally trade (勘合貿易) between Japan and the Ming dynasty and were discontinued after the death of the third Muromachi shogun Ashikaga Yoshimitsu 足利義満, were then restored by the sixth shogun Ashikaga Yoshinori 足利義教. After Yoshinori's time, the totosen 渡唐船 (the fleet of the ships from Japan to Ming China) consisted of the ships belonging to three different kinds of owners: the Muromachi shogun, temples, and the shugo daimyo. According to Mansai Jugo Nikki 満済准后日記, the system of the tosenbugyo was established in 1434 (永享6年) to mediate all the business about the tally trade between the ship managers, the gozan-monks 五山僧, and the Muromachi shogun as monarch of Japan. The first main (tanto) tosenbugyo was Ino Sadatsura, who was the bugyonin (one of the shogun's executive officers) in the Muromachi period. The Ino family, especially the Yamato branch, the Kaga branch, and the Hizen branch, were influential among bugyonin called gozen satashu 御前沙汰衆 (direct judges), and were promoted by the Ashikaga shoguns. The main tosenbugyo and the sub tosenbugyo (aibugyo) were appointed from the three branch of the lno family for generations. The tosenbugyo's regular work can be devided as follows: (1) to defend the trading ships around Japan, (2) to procure export goods, (3) to mediate among the Muromachi shogun, the ship managers and the Gozan-monks (4) to manage the tallies. In addition, Ino Sadatsura also conducted negotiations with the diplomats of the Li dynasty as a representative of the Muromachi shogunate. It had been impossible for a government official to deal with the diplomatic issues during the Yoshimitsu's reign. The diplomacy of the Muromachi period particularly valued the trade and it affected domestic politics. Tosenbugyo did not play such an active part in Muromachi diplomacy as the Gozan-monks did, but it is significant that the Muromachi shogunate was the first organization to appoint the executive officers of the samurai class to high positions in its diplomatic organization.
著者
国原 美佐子
出版者
東京女子大学
雑誌
東京女子大学紀要論集 (ISSN:04934350)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.2, pp.1-37, 1998-03

Dieser Aufsatz handelt von den Badegewohnheiten im Daigoji-Tempel im 15. Jahrhundert. Das Tagebuch Mansai Jugo Nikki (満済准后日記) vom Autor Mansai, der ein hervorragender Priester in der Muromachizeit und auch ein berumter Vorsteher des Daigoji-Tempel war, besagt folgendes: 1. Kami-Daigo (上醍醐) und Simo-Daigo (下醍醐) haben jeweils einige Bader. 2. Vor jedem buddistischen Ritual baden Monche. 3. Am 4. Januar und zweimal pro Monat (am 14. und am 28.) baden alle Monche und Laien des Simo-Daigos im gemeinschaftlichen Bad (惣寺風呂). Dabei baden sie ihrem Stand nach auf den Ruf der Glocken hin. 4. An den Todestagen der Vorganger nehmen die Monche als Erinnerung das Bad im Bodaiji-Tempel (菩提寺) oder im gemeinschaftlichen Bad. 5. Mansai als die Gaste wird ab und zu von anderen Monchen mit Speisen und Baden unterhalten.
著者
有賀 美和子
出版者
東京女子大学
雑誌
東京女子大学紀要論集 (ISSN:04934350)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.46, no.1, pp.185-203, 1995-09-20
著者
林 文子
出版者
東京女子大学
雑誌
東京女子大学紀要論集 (ISSN:04934350)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.58, no.2, pp.123-149, 2008-03

This note presents a selection and organization of words related to food culture from The Japanese-Portuguese Dictionary. The Japanese-Portuguese Dictionary, the translation of VOCABVLARIO DA LINGOA DE IA PAM corn a declaracao em Portugues, was published in 1603 by the Society of Jesus for use by their missionnaries in the propagation of the Christian faith. These words are fragmented, ambiguous, and somewhat limited. Not all words in The Japanese-Portuguese Dictionary were well known by everybody at that time, but most of words were practical and widely used, and thus helpful for the propagation of the Christian faith. Food is a mainstay of life, and plays a key role in forming our identities. What to eat and how to eat is not only a matter of individual taste, but also a part of culture that reflects time and geography. The observations of strangers from strange lands (Europe) gave structure and clarity to the everyday things taken for granted by people living in the visited country (Japan). For example, unexpected food for Europeans included unknown grasses, unusually fish, uncommon seaweed, salted fish guts, and above all fermented things, such as fermented soybeans. Based on actual experience, this selection is not in merely an enumeration of foods, but a reconstruction of food scenery at the end of the 16th Century in Japan. Some excerpts from The Japanese-Portuguese Dictionary are as follows. Japanese at that time thought that food can be either power or poison. Thus, "Dokudachi (literally Poison cut-off)" indicates when a sick person fasts reduces food intake. A meal includes Ii (rice), Shiru (soup), and Sai (vegetables or fish or meat). Shiru, the soup was essential for every meal. Rice was graded by difficulty of polishing. Damage resistant red rice spread through the country, and came to be boiled in iron pots. The multi-faceted abilities to harvest, hunt, and produce were expanding, as can be seen from the specific names for rice gruels, rice cakes, noodles, beans, underground vegetables, mushrooms, seaweed, shellfish, river fish, sea fish, game, wildfowl, fruits, and nuts. From root to seed, from meat to guts, they ate all parts, and invented ideas to preserve food such as drying and salting. One of the characteristic trends at that time was the entry of salt, vinegar, and soybeans to the dinner table. Soybeans were processed in many ways, such as tofu (bean curd), moyasi (sprouts), natto (fermented soybeans), miso (soybean paste), sudate (soy sauce). They frequently used the word "Anbai" to measure the taste. This meant that salt became a large component of food.
著者
黒崎 政男(1954-)
雑誌
東京女子大学紀要論集 (ISSN:04934350)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.61, no.1, pp.27-53, 0000

A Japanese translation of Aristotle's De Anima that thematises what kokoro is has recently been discovered. It was done through the cooperation of Jesuit missionaries and Japanese in 1595 during the Kirishitan period (Kirishitan means early Christians in Japan in the 16th to 17th century). The manuscript fascinates us, not only because it tells us that the core of Western thought was already translated three hundred years before the Meiji era in which Japan truly encountered the West, but also because it includes an additional chapter on the permanence of anima rational humanica, which is not found in the Latin original.This suggests that it was absolutely necessary [for Christians] to preach the singularity and permanence of human kokoro (Quod anima intellectiva sit immortalis et aeterna), in order to disseminate Christianity in Japan where no fundamental distinction was made between human and animal kokoro (cf. F. Xavier, letter 29/1/1552). We can here confirm the basic difference between the Western anima and the Oriental kokoro.心とはいったい何か、を主題的に論じたアリストテレスの〈De Anima〉のキリシタン時代の日本語翻訳(1595)が最近発見された。江戸時代以前に西洋の核心となる思想が日本語翻訳されていたということ自体きわめて興味深いのだが、さらに面白いのは、日本語版には、オリジナルのラテン語版底本には存在しない「人間の理性的魂(anima rational)は永遠不滅である」という書き加えの章があることである。人間と動物との 〈心〉 の間に根本的差異をみとめない日本でキリスト教をひろめるには、 人間の 〈心〉 の特異性、 不滅性を教え込むことがどうしても必要だったのである。 ここに西洋と東洋のanimaと〈心〉の差異の基本的図式を確認することができる。
著者
本合 陽
出版者
東京女子大学
雑誌
東京女子大学紀要論集 (ISSN:04934350)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.58, no.1, pp.115-138, 2007-09

This paper argues that asexuality of the protagonists is the crucial element that drives Howard Overing Sturgis's novels, Tim (1891) and Belchamber (1904). The heroes and heroines in the late nineteenth century cannot deviate from the role models that "compulsory heterosexuality" imposes upon them. Sturgis's protagonists do not seemingly belong to the figure. However, they must develop their character under the pressure of the compulsory heterosexuality. Their asexuality does not provide them with other choices, which causes their tragedy. Tim, the protagonist of Tim, is a boy who loves only nature and has just expected that "the tender gracious figure" would come to him. He does not know what he is and has no erotic desire for anybody. However, two triangular relationships drive him to the awareness of gender and sexuality. The relationship with his father and his friend Carol makes him realize that he is not like other boys. The relationship with Carol and his girlfriend Violet reminds him of marriage, which in turn makes him realize that his love for Carol is similar to Jonathan's love for David in the First Book of Samuel: Tim's love for Carol is homoerotic. In other words, the compulsory heterosexuality drives asexual Tim to become a hero who dies when he confesses his homoerotic desire. Sainty, the protagonist of Belchamber, is a boy who loves embroidery. In his triangular relationship with his mother and his younger brother, whom the role of the hero of the story and the heir to Belchamber befits, Sainty becomes aware that he is "effeminate" and "not manly." Accordingly, he starts to take on the role of a mother. However, another triangular relationship with his vicious cousin and a pretty girl forces him to think about marriage with the girl. Also in Belchamber, compulsory heterosexuality dominates the life of the protagonist. Sainty's asexuality deprives him of other choices of living for him. Sturgis's works do not seem to have been properly assessed. According to the discussion on the process that the main characters are forced towards "the heroes," protagonists' asexuality makes the true value of the works invisible.
著者
今井 久代
出版者
東京女子大学
雑誌
東京女子大学紀要論集 (ISSN:04934350)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.70, no.1, pp.37-64, 2019-09-30

"The Tale of Genji" has "Itooshi" with 386 examples including derivatives. However, this word is difficult to grasp because of the differences between (1) two conflicting senses and (2) the synonym "Kokorogurushi." In this paper, it was noted that "Itooshi", like "Kokorogurushi", is "the emotion of A who is in contact with B who is in a difficult state". "Itooshi" is an emotion with "guilt" that makes A realize that he is not the same as B. I argued that the sympathy with "guilt" is the difference between "Itooshi" and "Kokorogurushi".『源氏物語』には「いとほし」が、派生語も含めて386例存在する。しかしこの語は、 ①対立的な二つの語義、②類義語「心苦し」との違いにより、語義がつかみにくい。 本稿では、「 いとほし」が、「心苦し」と同様に、「 つらい状態にあるBに接している Aの心情」であることに注目した。「 いとほし」は、AにBと一心同体ではないことを 意識させる、「罪悪感」を伴う感情である。「負い目」を伴う共感であることが、「 いとほし」と「心苦し」の違いであると論じた。
著者
森 一郎
出版者
東京女子大学
雑誌
東京女子大学紀要論集 (ISSN:04934350)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.47, no.1, pp.1-23, 1996-09

The significance of Heidegger's philosophy might be evaluated in terms of the "ontological turn" he gave to the phenomenological movement. In this essay, I attempt to show that this conversion as performed by Heidegger, is a repetition of another "great event" in philosophical history-Marx's reversal of dialectical thinking. In his famous essay "The Question Concerning Technique," Heidegger inquires in the essence of modern technique. According to his etymology, the word "technique" (tekhne), like the word "production" (poiesis), originally meant a mode of revealing (aletheuein). From such a aletheological point of view, Heidegger interprets the specific mode of modern technique as "Herausfordern" (challenging), by means of which anything on earth can become "Bestand" (stock). The claimant of this requisition is no longer an individual man, but some impersonal system of accumulation. Heidegger names this system the "Gestell" (gatheringsetting). When examined closely, the term "Herausfordern" is found to be equivalent to the key Marxian concept "Ausbeuten" (exploitation). Moreover, "Gestell" proves to be just another name for the monstrous master of the modern age, Capitalism. It is not accidental that we also encounter a question concerning technique in Marx's Capital. The subject of this book is "the capitalistic mode of production," so that Marx examines essentially the same modern technique, to which capitalism owes the development of its productive force. Guided by Marx's critique of the "economy of time," we can attain insight into the problems of the "technology of time." That is why Capital is still one of the most important philosophical approaches to the essence of technology.
著者
林 文子
雑誌
東京女子大学紀要論集
巻号頁・発行日
vol.58, no.2, pp.123-149, 2008-03

This note presents a selection and organization of words related to food culture from The Japanese-Portuguese Dictionary. The Japanese-Portuguese Dictionary, the translation of VOCABVLARIO DA LINGOA DE IA PAM corn a declaracao em Portugues, was published in 1603 by the Society of Jesus for use by their missionnaries in the propagation of the Christian faith. These words are fragmented, ambiguous, and somewhat limited. Not all words in The Japanese-Portuguese Dictionary were well known by everybody at that time, but most of words were practical and widely used, and thus helpful for the propagation of the Christian faith. Food is a mainstay of life, and plays a key role in forming our identities. What to eat and how to eat is not only a matter of individual taste, but also a part of culture that reflects time and geography. The observations of strangers from strange lands (Europe) gave structure and clarity to the everyday things taken for granted by people living in the visited country (Japan). For example, unexpected food for Europeans included unknown grasses, unusually fish, uncommon seaweed, salted fish guts, and above all fermented things, such as fermented soybeans. Based on actual experience, this selection is not in merely an enumeration of foods, but a reconstruction of food scenery at the end of the 16th Century in Japan. Some excerpts from The Japanese-Portuguese Dictionary are as follows. Japanese at that time thought that food can be either power or poison. Thus, "Dokudachi (literally Poison cut-off)" indicates when a sick person fasts reduces food intake. A meal includes Ii (rice), Shiru (soup), and Sai (vegetables or fish or meat). Shiru, the soup was essential for every meal. Rice was graded by difficulty of polishing. Damage resistant red rice spread through the country, and came to be boiled in iron pots. The multi-faceted abilities to harvest, hunt, and produce were expanding, as can be seen from the specific names for rice gruels, rice cakes, noodles, beans, underground vegetables, mushrooms
著者
矢澤 澄子 矢沢 澄子 ヤザワ スミコ
出版者
東京女子大学
雑誌
東京女子大学紀要論集 (ISSN:04934350)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.1, pp.85-116, 2008-09

Japanese society has been facing elder care crisis since the 1980's epitomized by a so-called "nursing hell" which has resulted from a care service shortage for the increasing number of elderly people. The national elder care insurance system commenced in 2000 as a response to the above situation. It was a paradigm change to the social care of elderly people, from a limited adminis-trative service by the government, to a social care insurance system with individual choice and mutual help by contract with the government.This article examines the basic idea of a care model for the elder care insurance system (a care model for 'decent life' for elderly people) and attempts to discover influences from the ideas and practice of group homes for elderly people with dementia developed in local areas since the 1980's prior to the institutionalization of the elder care insurance system. The article also analyses the gap between the idea of a care model for the elder care insurance system and the reality of care workers facing difficulties in workplaces, based on empirical research of care workers in group homes. The research was based on a questionnaire designed by our research group in 2006, and sent by mail to 1382 workers all over Japan.In conclusion, the paper proposes the necessity of re-examining and improving the design and contents of the elder care insurance system, in order to realize its original ideas and purpose as the national social care system, by strengthening public responsibility and financial support at the national as well as local level. It is the only way to maintain a high quality of elder care service in the system and respond to the sincere desires of care workers who work diligently for long hours and receive low salaries.少子高齢化と「介護の危機」(ケアの危機)が進行するなか、日本では2000年を起点としていわゆる社会福祉基礎構造改革により、高齢者介護サービスは、措置制度から介護保険制度(自由契約制度)へとパラダイム転換を行った。本論文は、日本の社会的介護(ソーシャル・ケア)の要を担う介護保険制度の理念、目標像がどのように明確化され制度化されてきたのかについて、特に制度の理念・目標像の構築に大きな影響を与えてきた、認知症高齢者グループホーム実践(認知症対応型共同生活介護)の展開過程との関連に注目して考察する。また制度の運用と改変の過程で顕在化してきた理念・目標像と運用・実践の間の矛盾や、2005年の制度改正以降とくに深刻化している理念・目標像と利用者の選択権や現場ケアワーカーの労働実態との間に広がる乖離の中身についても全国調査に基づき検証する。論文では日本の介護保険制度の形成・改変過程を見据え、制度の理念・目標像、介護保険政策の展開、介護現場の実態の3者を相互に関連づけながら、制度の成熟と「望ましいケア実践」にむけて何が問われているかを明らかにする。いま多くの認知症高齢者グループホームでは、介護保険制度の運用と改正の負の影響を受け、ケアワーカーたちが利用者と制度の狭間で苦悩し、他の介護施設と同様にホーム運営(経営)の瀬戸際で解決すべき複雑な困難に直面している。介護保険の「お年寄りをどんどん切り捨てる」「机の上だけて決められている制度」と「介護実践の場」の現状との間にある大きな乖離は早急に埋める必要がある。そのために国・地方自治体は、現場の声にしっかり耳を傾け、制度の改善・改革にむけてどのように有効な政策的対応をとりうるのかに真剣に立ち向かうことが求められている。
著者
有賀 美和子
出版者
東京女子大学
雑誌
東京女子大学紀要論集 (ISSN:04934350)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.1, pp.123-142, 1993-09-20

Feminist criticisms in social sciences have challenged the traditional disciplines in two ways. On one hand, some works focus on the absence of women or the "malestream" orientation in the disciplines, and then go on to ask how they should change in order to include women on an equal basis with men. On the other hand, some focus more immediately on how the gendered structure of the societies has shaped their ideas and arguments, and consider how these ideas and arguments are affected by the adoption of a feminist perspective. In this paper, giving heed to the second project, I shall focus on a major political philosopher, John Rawls, in thinking about social justice. John Rawls's A Theory of Justice has provided an impetus to much of contemporary political and moral theory. I focus here on the effects of assumptions about gender on central aspects of the theory, and consider how his assumptions about the division of labor between the sexes, with women taking care of the sphere of human nuturance, have a fundamental effect upon his accounts of moral subjects and the development of moral thinking. This is exemplified in his tendencies to separate reason from feeling and to require that moral subjects be abstracted from the contingencies of actual human life, in his deliberations. The way Rawls presents his theory of justice reflects the Kantian heritage. That is, it reflects Kant's stress on autonomy and rationality as the defining characteristics of moral subjects, his rigid separation of reason from feeling, and refusal to allow feeling any place in the formulation of moral principles. This Kantian heritage leaves Rawls's theory open to two feminist criticisms: that it involves egoistic assumptions about human nature and that it is of little relevance to actual people thinking about justice. Therefore, his theory is often viewed as excessively rationalistic, inividualistic, and abstracted from real human beings. However, at its center, Rawls's theory much includes the implications of responsibility, care, and concern for others. I shall attempt to develop an approach to social justice, which centers on a reinterpretation of his central concept, the "original position." At the same time, in a sense, this paper is a critique of Rawls. In line with a long tradition of political and moral philosophers including Rousseau, Hegel, and Tocqueville, he regards the family as a school of morality, a primary socializer of just citizens. But along with others in the tradition, he also neglects the issue of the justice or injustice of the gendered family itself. This tension within the theory can be resolved by opening up the question of justice within the family.
著者
伊奈 正人
出版者
東京女子大学
雑誌
東京女子大学紀要論集 (ISSN:04934350)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.73, no.2, pp.57-81, 2023-03-30

Michael Burawoy’s presidential address to the ASA has refocused attention on the work of C. Wright Mills. However, only the notion of “the sociologist as citizen” has been discussed, while a detailed discussion regarding his conception of public sociology has not been developed and the conventional negative image of Mills has persisted. In light of this situation, this paper investigates the concepts of “historical specificity,” “sociological imagination,” “vocabulary of motive,” and “sociotics,” and seeks to propose a new understanding of the “political public,” which lies at the heart of Mills’s thinking.公共社会学論争により、C.ライト・ミルズの学問は再び脚光を浴びたが、「普通の人々に語りかける社会学」ばかりが議論され、政治的公衆をめぐる積極的な議論は十分に展開されることはなく、従来のネガティブなミルズ像が放置された。これに対して、本稿は、歴史的特殊性の概念、社会学的想像力、動機の語彙論、社会学的言語分析(sociotics)などを検討し、ミルズに一貫する問題解決思考の核にある政治的公衆の再構成を試みた。
著者
有馬 明恵 下島 裕美 竹下 美穂
出版者
東京女子大学論集編集委員会
雑誌
東京女子大学紀要論集 (ISSN:04934350)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.67, no.2, pp.209-230, 2017-03-15

This article reveals mothers’ attitudes toward PTA activities through internet survey. Four hundred and fifty mothers who had participated in PTA activities answered a questionnaire. Hierarchical cluster analysis found five types: “mothers engaging in PTA activities for their children,” “mothers criticizing PTA,” “traditional and moderate mothers,” “mothers participating in social activities,” and “rational mothers”. The results showed the following; “mothers participating in social activities” think that parents and teachers should be equal partners and parents should work hard in PTA activities. These mothers however became more negative and suffered stress through engaging in the activities. On the other hand, “mothers criticizing the PTA” and “rational mothers” were reluctant to participate in PTA activities but, through the activities, they became more positive. There is a prevailing norm that tells mothers that they should help teachers as if they were servants and engage in PTA activities with modesty.
著者
高橋 修(1971-)
雑誌
東京女子大学紀要論集 (ISSN:04934350)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.68, no.1, pp.99-124, 0000

表題の崇源院は江戸幕府二代将軍徳川秀忠の正室であった江(1573~1626)のことで、崇源院とは彼女の死後の贈名である。彼女は寛永3年(1626)に江戸城内で死去し、その遺骸は火葬に付され、増上寺に埋葬された。昭和33~35年(1958~60)に増上寺内で実施された発掘調査により、崇源院の墓石が地下から発掘された。この調査以後、彼女の墓石は行方不明となっていたが、最近の調査により山梨県甲州市にある古刹 恵林寺境内にあることが判明した。墓石の周囲には文字が刻まれており、従来はその解読が不十分であった。そこで今回の再発見を契機として、墓石碑文の解読とその現代語訳を試み、また、何故、彼女の墓石が地下に埋められたのか、その歴史的背景を明らかにすることを本稿の目的として設定した。Suugenin(崇源院1573~1626) was the shougun Tokugawa Hidetada's (徳川秀忠) wife. In 1626 she died at Edo Castle. She was cremated and buried in Zojoji(増上寺).The tomb of Suugenin was excavated by an excavation survey at Zojoji in 1958~1960. Later, her grave became missing. It turned out that it was in Erinji(恵林寺).Her tomb is engraved with letters, but they were not legible in traditional research. Therefore, this paper aims to clarify the following two points: first of all, I will decipher the inscription and make a modern translation, secondly, I will discuss why the tomb was buried underground.
著者
香川 由紀子
雑誌
東京女子大学紀要論集 (ISSN:04934350)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.2, pp.291-307, 2010-03-15

The ribbons that were popular among young Japanese women in 1890s have been regarded as a symbol of the schoolgirl of that time. Earlier studies have analysed the nature and preference of these girls by examining the image of the ribbon as symbol, but this places the subject in the context of the social background of the period.A major factor in the development of the ribbons as symbol was the change in women's sense of morality. Modernity and modernization required that women establish a new sense of morality, in part by becoming more active socially and dressing themselves beautifully. Supported by this modern morality, Japanese women began to adopt Western accessories, including the ribbon that would in time become a symbol of the women themselves.A second major factor was the marketing strategy of the modern department stores. They worked to produce a differentiation between the image of the middle class and the image of the lower class, and in this way encouraged middle-class women to buy Western accessories.The ribbon in Japan took over the original meaning of the ribbon in the West, where it had been a symbol of the privileged class for noblemen in France of the seventeenth century. Also in Japan the ribbon became a symbol of the schoolgirl from a wealthy family, who had learned Western culture, and for the men who were attracted by them it was a symbol of the social position and wealth they hoped to attain.
著者
大貫 隆
雑誌
東京女子大学紀要論集
巻号頁・発行日
vol.38, no.2, pp.111-138, 1988-03-10

"Das Apokryphon des Johannes", mit Recht als "Kompendium der gnostischen Lehre" (C. Schmidt/W. Till) bezeichnet, zahlt zu den wichtigsten Dokumenten des sogenannten mythologischen Gnostizismus. Es hat aber bis heute an einer durchgehenden japanischen Ubersetzung dieser Schrift gefehlt. Um diesen Mangel zu beseitigen, wird hier zunachst die im Papyrus Berolinensis 8502 enthaltene Version im ganzen ins Japanische ubertragen. (Eine weitere japanische Ubersetzung von NHC II, 1 ebenfalls geplant.) Grundlage fur Ubersetzung bildet die Textausgabe: "Die gnostischen Schriften des koptischen Papyrus Berolinensis 8502", hrsg., ubers. u. bearb. v. W. Till, 2. erweiterte Aufl., bearb. v. H.-M. Schenke, Berlin 1972. An mehreren Stellen sind jedoch andere Lesungen und Ubersetzungen vorgezogen worden. Begrundungen dafur werden in Anmerkungen angegeben. Dort erfolgen auch Auseinandersetzungen mit anderen bereits vorliegenden Ubersetzungen von R. Kasse (RThPh 97/1964 bis 100/1967), M. Krause (in: Die Gnosis, Bd. 1, hrsg. v. W. Foerster, Zurich/Stuttgart 1969) und M. Tardieu, Ecrits gnostiques: Codex de Berlin, Paris 1984. Die Anmerkungen sollen aber aus Platzgrunden getrennt in einem der nachsten Hefte der vorliegenden Abhandlungen gedruckt werden.