著者

深川 真樹

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.1, pp.1-32, 2013-06

著者

深川 真樹

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.96, no.4, pp.1-30, 2015-03

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There have been for some time various views concerning on what date the Confucian thinker Dong Zhongshu submitted his answer papers.No matter how trivial the question may seem at face value, it is, however, related to the very important issue of whether or not the ideas of Dong Zhongshu genuinely influenced the link that was established between the Han imperial court and Confucian thought, known as “establishment of Confucianism as state religion,” and if so, how.Concerning the Hanshu’s 漢書 account of the three examination questions (zhice 制策) posed by Emperor Wu and the three outstanding answers (duice 對策) to them submitted by Dong Zhongshu, there is the opinion that they were actually posed and submitted in the order described by the chronicle.However, this way of thinking poses a problem in that the context and content of the second Q & A exchange is closely connected to exactly what year Dong Zhongshu submitted his answer.From an investigation of the content of the examination, the author concludes that a 2nd-1st-3rd series of questions and answers is much more likely to have been the actual sequence of the examination.Unconvinced by the various explanations that have been offered so far as to the date of the examination, the author proceeds to reexamine the problem, concluding that the examinations were submitted three successive times in the period between the6th month of the 6th year of the Jianyuan 建元 Era and the 10th month of the next year.Furthermore, although it is generally believed that the post to which Dong Zhongshu was appointed after his examination was as an administrator (xiang 相) in Jiangdu 江都, the author shows that in fact he was granted the bureaucratic rank of zhongdafu 中大夫.The author is also of the opinion that the local civil service examination subject of xiaolian 孝廉, regarding filial piety, very likely “originated from Dong Zhonshu.The decisive moment in establishing the link between the Han imperial court and Confucian thought was the acceptance and implementation by Emperor Wu of institutions intellectually based on Dong Zongshu’s ideas about state ideology.Therefore, the raison d’être of the monarch as to governing based on moral guidance in accordance with the will of heaven was enthusiastically adopted; and imperial rule soon assumed, in the guise of 10th Han Emperor Yuan, leadership based solely on Confucian ideas.

著者

深川 真樹

出版者

学習院大学

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.16, pp.59-85, 2014-03

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一般認為,董仲舒思想以天人感應論為特徵,關於其性質,向來有君主權抑制論、君權神授論、君主主體性論的三個見解。然而整理與探討這些見解的同時,參照〈賢良對策〉的相關部分而斟酌天人感應論,便可知:君權神授論與君主主體性論,皆並非適當討論決定董仲舒天人感應論性質的主要因素,即天與君主相互關係的特性;君主權抑制論則並無完整處理此相互關係。由天人感應論的理論結構而言,可把以下兩個性質視為其中天與君主相互關係的特性:一,由天將君主行為引導到儒家理念的方向;二,君主行為與天命、陰陽、祥瑞、災異等有所相連。此考察結果應可當成再次探討〈賢良對策〉內容與性質的重要線索。

著者

深川 真樹

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, pp.59-85, 2014-03-01

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一般認為,董仲舒思想以天人感應論為特徵,關於其性質,向來有君主權抑制論、君權神授論、君主主體性論的三個見解。然而整理與探討這些見解的同時,參照〈賢良對策〉的相關部分而斟酌天人感應論,便可知:君權神授論與君主主體性論,皆並非適當討論決定董仲舒天人感應論性質的主要因素,即天與君主相互關係的特性;君主權抑制論則並無完整處理此相互關係。由天人感應論的理論結構而言,可把以下兩個性質視為其中天與君主相互關係的特性:一,由天將君主行為引導到儒家理念的方向;二,君主行為與天命、陰陽、祥瑞、災異等有所相連。此考察結果應可當成再次探討〈賢良對策〉內容與性質的重要線索。

著者

深川 真樹

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.4, pp.1-29, 2020-03

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The Pupils of Academicians (Boshi-Dizi 博士弟子) System, which was instituted in 124 BCE and the Imperial Institute of Learning (Taixue 太學), the highest seat of learning in ancient China dating back to the Zhou Dynasty, have been generally regarded as comprising one unified body. However, it remains uncertain whether the former was initially integrated with the latter, because neither of the documents relating to the establishment of the Boshi-Dizi System, Emperor Wu’s (Wudi 武帝) imperial edict and Gongsun Hong’s 公孫弘 petition, mention the Taixue, and Records of the Grand Historian (Shiji 史記), a contemporary work of historiography, contains no information indicating any such initial integration. This article considers the integration of the two institutions mainly from the perspective of the history of thought, beginning with an attempt to confirm the plan and aim of the initial Boshi-Dizi System. Next the author compares them with ideas about the Taixue which existed since antiquity and shows a significant departure between the two. This is followed by the introduction of Dong Zhongshu’s 董仲舒 concept of the Taixue, raising the possibility that although the Boshi-Dizi System adopted Dong’s ideas in part, it was initially an attempt to expand the existing institutions. Then the author turns to the subject of when and how the two institutions were eventually integrated, assuming integration occurred during the reigns of Emperors Yuan and Cheng (Yuandi 元帝 and Chengdi 成帝; 49–7 BCE), which were marked by institutional reform of the Han court along the lines of Confucian ideas. The author concludes by arguing that the integration should occupy an important place in the history of the growth of Confucianism because of its primary role in the establishment a “new” Han Taixue grounded in the study of the Confucian classics.