著者
佐藤 正夫
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
no.13, pp.177-197, 2011-03-31

This year marks the centennial of the annexation of Korea by Japan and the 91st anniversary of the incipience of the March First Movement. Nonetheless, there is a relative paucity of research in Japan into Japanese-Korean relations during this era. More specifically, so far there has been little comprehensive research into the Korean Declaration of Independence Using primary sources in the context of the March First Movement. The present paper focuses oll the Declaration itself against the backdrop of the March First Movement, and explores how it came to be drafted and spread throughout the country. The significance of the Declaration is explored by examining how one Japanese person obtained and stored it in Pyongyang. It is the author’s opinion that this examination of the Declaration of Independence as a historical document provides a new perspective on the March First Movement. Needless to say, this study in itself does not make a case for a major change in views of the March First Movement or of the Declaration’s signatories as‘‘traitors”, but it does pose questions worthy of further examination.
著者
野中 尚人
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
no.17, pp.427-466, 2015-03-01

With more than 120 years of history and well consolidated status and power especially after the World War II, Japan’s national Diet may still be regarded as rather poor ‘supreme’ organ. This paper aims to clarify the characteristics of actual mechanism of Japan’s Diet in terms of both institutional settings and facts about legislative activities by making comparison both with French national parliament and Kochi prefectural parliament. The arguments of this paper can be summarized in three points. Firstly, in both national Diet and Kochi parliament, the activities and functions of plenary sessions have become extremely weak. One especially salient fact is the total lack of clause by clause type of legislative deliberations, which are the universal norm of western democracies including France. Second argument is that in Japan’s two cases question-and-answer style is almost the only pattern within the legislative procedures, and discussions between parliamentarians are lacking, which in French case are normally carried out through amendment activities. Finally, despite the similarities, Japan’s national Diet has one very significant characteristics unseen in local parliament. The Diet is a sort of ‘negotiating system’, which needs almost perpetual negotiations in order to manage itself including legislative procedures. This is impressively different from a sort of ‘prefixed system’ of local parliament.
著者
平山 勉
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
no.18, pp.67-104, 2016-03-01

The purpose of this paper is to clarify the relationship between the middle management of the South Manchuria Railway Company (SMR) and the employees association, Mantetsu-Shain-kai, in order to better understand the characteristics of SMR’s in-house bulletin known as Kyowa. Why focus on middle management instead of upper management officials? The main reason is that the highest ranking company officials―the president and vice president―tended to be hired from outside the company and had rather short terms of office. Moreover, only a few of these people actually stayed for the duration of these relatively short terms. But middle level directors who were promoted internally often had careers of more than ten years either as department heads or chief managers of each section. That is the reason why we must analyze SMR’s middle management. On the other hand, those officers at the headquarters of Mantetsu-Shain-kai were selected in a democratic way. These officials were the chief secretary, the permanent secretary and the chief of section. Most of these people were SMR’s middle management officers at the same time, or would become chief managers of sections later on. Mantetsu-Shain-kai was a facility for the training of SMR’s middle management. According to the account settlement of Mantetsu-Shain-kai, ‘membership fees’ and ‘revenue from publication’ occupied most of the revenue, and ‘publication expenses’ accounted for most of the expenditure. Most ‘publication expenses’ were used to publish Kyowa. The main activity of the headquarters’ officers of Mantetsu-Shain-kai was to declare their own views in Kyowa in order to manage SMR as the key member. Understanding Kyowa is important in order to properly analyze the economic system in China in 1930-40s.
著者
大出 尚子
出版者
学習院大学
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.14, pp.1-28, 2012-03

This research is a comparative study highlighting the differences between the Government-General Museum of Korea, a museum that served as the national museum of Korea under the"official empire," and the National Museum of Manchukuo that served as the national museum under the"unofficial empire"of Manchukuo. This study specifically focuses on the backgrounds and goals of the museum establishments, building locations, managerial organization, historical accounts of artifacts, and the exhibits of each museum. The relations between each of these areas and the colonial policies affecting each museum were then compared. The result of the analysis of academic sources and historical surveys shows that the displays at the Government-General Musgum of Korea demonstrated the theme"unity of Japan and Korea."Irl contrast, the National Museum of Manchukuo exhibitions were found to focus on goodwill and the strengthening of friendship between Japan and Manchukuo. Despite this, the activities of the National Museum of Manchukuo reflected in changes seen in the exhibitions, were represented by"Manchurian history"that rejected the reinstatement of the Qing dynasty.
著者
堀井 裕之
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
no.19, pp.1-30, 2017-03

It is not possible to unravel the nature of the Sui and Tang administrations without addressing the role played by the Han Chinese“ dominant families”(門閥) in the amassing of societal respect by the governing class. However, previous research has not actively discussed the degree to which these “dominant families” played a role in the formation of the Sui and Tang administrations. This paper examines the so-called Yuegongfang(越公房) lineage of the Hongnong Yang clan(弘農楊氏), representative of the Han Chinese “dominant families,” by studying epitaphs(墓誌) and historical documents that have continuously been unearthed in recent years. As a result, this study demonstrates that the Yuegongfang clan maintained clan unity by establishing vast family burial grounds in Huayin(華陰)—the clan’s birthplace—and comprised of a great number of family lineages. In addition, the Yuegongfang, who possessed this foundation in rural society and were the central lineage of the Yang dominant family, shared their surname with the Sui Dynasty’s Imperial House, allowing them to obtain a position corresponding to that of the Imperial Family. In time, they were made part of the Zongwei (宗衛)— the Crown Prince’s guard—thus taking charge of the Imperial House’s military organization. This became the source of the Yuegongfang’s powerful influence, strong enough to affect the Crown Prince’s dethronement. This relationship between the Yuegongfang and the Sui Imperial House can be rephrased as the merging of Han Chinese “dominant families” and the emerging non-Han clans. Here, this paper inquiries anew into the significance of the influence of China’s dominant families in the formation process of the Sui and Tang administrations.
著者
佐藤 正夫
出版者
学習院大学
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.13, pp.177-197, 2011-03

This year marks the centennial of the annexation of Korea by Japan and the 91st anniversary of the incipience of the March First Movement. Nonetheless, there is a relative paucity of research in Japan into Japanese-Korean relations during this era. More specifically, so far there has been little comprehensive research into the Korean Declaration of Independence Using primary sources in the context of the March First Movement. The present paper focuses oll the Declaration itself against the backdrop of the March First Movement, and explores how it came to be drafted and spread throughout the country. The significance of the Declaration is explored by examining how one Japanese person obtained and stored it in Pyongyang. It is the author's opinion that this examination of the Declaration of Independence as a historical document provides a new perspective on the March First Movement. Needless to say, this study in itself does not make a case for a major change in views of the March First Movement or of the Declaration's signatories as''traitors", but it does pose questions worthy of further examination.
著者
王 建新
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
no.14, pp.405-416, 2012-03-31 (Released:2017-05-31)
著者
玉井 建也
出版者
学習院大学東洋文化研究所
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
no.18, pp.57-80, 2016-03

This paper examines the formation of history image and the relationship with development and the real world by taking up an image of the person who appears on historical novels. More specifically, this paper discusses the Ghost Story of Yotsuya, Juutarou IWAMI and Sasuke SARUTOBI and considered the difference between the forgotten existence and the existence left for the memory even now. A correlation with story culture and the real world is important. Moreover fans of entertainment works also referred to the tourism by visiting related places. I pointed out the importance of the archive facilities where it is supported.
著者
玉井 建也
出版者
学習院大学東洋文化研究所
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
no.18, pp.57-80, 2016-03

This paper examines the formation of history image and the relationship with development and the real world by taking up an image of the person who appears on historical novels. More specifically, this paper discusses the Ghost Story of Yotsuya, Juutarou IWAMI and Sasuke SARUTOBI and considered the difference between the forgotten existence and the existence left for the memory even now. A correlation with story culture and the real world is important. Moreover fans of entertainment works also referred to the tourism by visiting related places. I pointed out the importance of the archive facilities where it is supported.
著者
長綱 啓典
出版者
学習院大学東洋文化研究所
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
no.16, pp.380-358, 2014-03

Some Japanese Leibniz researchers have emphasized "the logic of the analogy" as the point about his chinology. This logic functions as a methodology, with which man can compare the Chinese thoughts with the European ones. But, how does Leibniz precisely judge, whether the informations that the Jesuits have send from China to him are correct? To this question, we can point out that there is the other logic in Leibniz : "the logic of the probability". Leibniz develops this logic mainly in the context of the debates on the reliability of the history, which have taken place around the end of the 17th century in Germany. In these debates, some thinkers agree with the Pyrrhonism on the history. But Leibniz objects to this point of view. He would prefer to establish the reliability of the history by suggesting different degrees about the probability. According to him, the consideration about the probability is based on a kind of calculation, whose exemplar man can find in the jurisprudence at that time. This calculation which demands the objective evidences is the essential of the logic of the probability, no less. Leibniz uses this logic not only in the field of the history, but also in that of chinology, to establish it as one of the objective and modern sciences.
著者
益満 義裕
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
no.6, pp.153-181, 2004-03-31

Dogs were the first animals to be domesticated amollg various livestock. Therefore, their association with man is the longest alld closest. Since dogs were the animal which rendered man loyalty like the horse, they were found useful. However, since the animal ate m an’ 刀@leftovers like the pig, it was looked down upon. From this reason, it seems that their status was low compared with other livestock. In addition, dogs were used for hunting, amusement, or as pets, and were also utilized in military affairs. Since it was believed that dogs barked and drove off evil spirits invisible to the human eye, they were buried in their master’s grave as a talisman, and were exposed in front of the gates of towns. It was also common to eat dogs in ancient China, and various recipes have become clear from excavated data. Moreover, situations that the dogs of those days were lively can be seer in the burial dolls and pictures of dogs.“Xianggoujing”, a book on dogs existed in the Han dynasty, in which guidance oll how to recognize a good dog was written. The depth of the people’s concern for the animal in those days can be imagined from this fact. It seems that the relation between man and dogs differed greatly from the present age.
著者
戸川 貴行
出版者
学習院大学
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
no.15, pp.33-57, 2013-03

西晋未年大量汉族士民涌向江南。其后东晋以恢复中原为国策坚持北归前必须控制对皇帝行宫建康的扩建。但随着侨民子孙土著化以及建康成为天下之中心,上述状况则遂渐变化。受其影响,东晋后半期开始着手扩建建康北的"华林园"。继而至刘宗、南齐时期,作为取代恢复中原的新的国家意志,皇帝以亲卫军为保障在华林园实施"诏狱"来寻求其权力的强化。另外,在受建康影响的北魏洛阳以及北齐邺城亦可见此一形式的皇帝极力强化动向。
著者
福元 健太郎 古田 紘也
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
no.14, pp.243-265, 2012-03-31

We study to what extent the amount of newspaper reports on China and North and South Korea affect how much Japanese like or dislike these countries. Some news is good news, while others are bad news. Thus, we are not sure whether more reports on a country make people either like or dislike the country under consideration (expected value constant hypothesis). On the other hand, since more reports provide more information, more people change their minds in either direction(variance increase hypothesis)。 We analyze monthly data from 1960 to 2010 and find that these hypotheses are supported. In addition, it turned out that, as trade with a country increases, more peoPle tend to dislike the country in the long run.
著者
酒井 潔
出版者
学習院大学
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.16, pp.326-356, 2014-03

Literature on Philosophy or the history of religion sometimes suggests that Leibniz's Monadology (1714) and Kegon-Gyô - also known as the Buddhist philosophical tradition introduced into Japan from China in the eighth century - present almost the same content in many respects. However, no text-orientated precise analysis of the theme was made until Toshie Murakami (1871-1957) wrote Raibunittsu-shi to Kegon-shû (Mr. Leibniz and Kegon\Buddhism) as his graduation thesis, originally presented to the Imperial University of Tokyo in 1896. The first and only contribution to the topic by Murakami, however, remained unknown until his paper was collected in Kegon Shiso (The Thought of Kegon), edited by Hajime Nakamura in 1960. At that point, for the first time, one realized the solid contribution Murakami had made not only to Leibniz Studies but also to Philosophy of East-West Dialog. Murakami concludes in his article that there is no difference between Leibniz's concept of "monad" and the Buddhistic idea of "Jijimuge"(事々無礙) or the doctrine of the Kegon school that every individual already comes out from itself and that, at the same time, it goes into each other without any barrier.
著者
酒井 潔
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.16, pp.356-326, 2014-03-01

Literature on Philosophy or the history of religion sometimes suggests that Leibniz's Monadology (1714) and Kegon-Gyô - also known as the Buddhist philosophical tradition introduced into Japan from China in the eighth century - present almost the same content in many respects. However, no text-orientated precise analysis of the theme was made until Toshie Murakami (1871-1957) wrote Raibunittsu-shi to Kegon-shû (Mr. Leibniz and Kegon\Buddhism) as his graduation thesis, originally presented to the Imperial University of Tokyo in 1896. The first and only contribution to the topic by Murakami, however, remained unknown until his paper was collected in Kegon Shiso (The Thought of Kegon), edited by Hajime Nakamura in 1960. At that point, for the first time, one realized the solid contribution Murakami had made not only to Leibniz Studies but also to Philosophy of East-West Dialog. Murakami concludes in his article that there is no difference between Leibniz's concept of "monad" and the Buddhistic idea of "Jijimuge"(事々無礙) or the doctrine of the Kegon school that every individual already comes out from itself and that, at the same time, it goes into each other without any barrier.
著者
小林 亮介
出版者
学習院大学
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.13, pp.21-52, 2011-03

After the collapse of the Qing Empire in 1912, the Republican China asserted its authority over the whole of Tibet. The Dalai Lama government, in turn, also claimed independence and planned to unify Tibetan borderlands overlapping Chinese provinces. Therefore, Eastern Tibet, located between Tibet and China, inevitably became a central issue of this border dispute. Previously, many scholars have examined this dispute from the perspective of the historical process of the binary relationship between China and Tibet and from that of the history of the Chinese frontier policy. However, they have rarely focused on the indigenous Tibetan leaders who actually ruled Eastern Tibet. My paper examines the development of tripartite relationship between Qing Empire, Dalai lama government and indigenous leaders in Eastern Tibet, by clarifying the Kingdom of Derge(sDe dge), De ge Tusi(徳格土司), was committed to the Dalai Lama government and the Qing Empire during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. To do this, I based on primary materials in English, Chinese and Tibetan。 This historical process of the Derge Kingdom shows us part of the radical change of Eastern Tibet from the intermediate region between China and Tibet to the front line that both governments planed to unify.
著者
菊池 秀明
出版者
学習院大学
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, pp.137-171, 2008-03

This article aims to clarify the social background of Hong Xiuquan's defeat and his founding of Shandijiao through the influence of Christianity.(1)Hong Xiuquan failed the civil service examination (科挙)in 1833, and he seemed to take notice of the mysterious death of Li Taijiao(李泰交), who was the proctor of the examination in Guangdong Province.(2)The vision of Hong Xiuquan was not an isolated phenomenon;its model was a story from Guangdong.(3)R. Morrison'spublication of the Christian pamphlet was disclosed in 1835, and Hong Xiuquan must have acquired the Quαnshi liαngrVαn(『勧世 良言』)in 1833.(4)The Datong(大同)utopia had great influence among Chinese intellectuals, and the Jin Mingguan's(金銘館) proposal to revive the ancient regime had much in common with Hong's claim in his books.(5)The Datong utopia tended to deny that the"self"(「私心」)was the cause of social conflict, and Hong Xiuquan did not agree with the anti-alien movement because he regarded it as an expression of the self.(6)The permission of the Christian mission by the Qing(清)government was an expression of its traditionaI policy to contain a foreign country (England) by pleasing other countries(France and the United States), but the Qing government prohibited the mission beyond the concession.(7)Strictly speaking, the activities of I. J, Roberts, who was the teacher of Hong Xiuquan, were illegal, and it is very lucky for the history of the Taiping rebellion that Feng Yunshan(鵜雲山)received only a light punishment in 1848 following the case of the Catholic missionary.
著者
深川 真樹
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.16, pp.59-85, 2014-03-01

一般認為,董仲舒思想以天人感應論為特徵,關於其性質,向來有君主權抑制論、君權神授論、君主主體性論的三個見解。然而整理與探討這些見解的同時,參照〈賢良對策〉的相關部分而斟酌天人感應論,便可知:君權神授論與君主主體性論,皆並非適當討論決定董仲舒天人感應論性質的主要因素,即天與君主相互關係的特性;君主權抑制論則並無完整處理此相互關係。由天人感應論的理論結構而言,可把以下兩個性質視為其中天與君主相互關係的特性:一,由天將君主行為引導到儒家理念的方向;二,君主行為與天命、陰陽、祥瑞、災異等有所相連。此考察結果應可當成再次探討〈賢良對策〉內容與性質的重要線索。