著者
佐藤 正夫
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
no.13, pp.177-197, 2011-03-31

This year marks the centennial of the annexation of Korea by Japan and the 91st anniversary of the incipience of the March First Movement. Nonetheless, there is a relative paucity of research in Japan into Japanese-Korean relations during this era. More specifically, so far there has been little comprehensive research into the Korean Declaration of Independence Using primary sources in the context of the March First Movement. The present paper focuses oll the Declaration itself against the backdrop of the March First Movement, and explores how it came to be drafted and spread throughout the country. The significance of the Declaration is explored by examining how one Japanese person obtained and stored it in Pyongyang. It is the author’s opinion that this examination of the Declaration of Independence as a historical document provides a new perspective on the March First Movement. Needless to say, this study in itself does not make a case for a major change in views of the March First Movement or of the Declaration’s signatories as‘‘traitors”, but it does pose questions worthy of further examination.
著者
野中 尚人
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
no.17, pp.427-466, 2015-03-01

With more than 120 years of history and well consolidated status and power especially after the World War II, Japan’s national Diet may still be regarded as rather poor ‘supreme’ organ. This paper aims to clarify the characteristics of actual mechanism of Japan’s Diet in terms of both institutional settings and facts about legislative activities by making comparison both with French national parliament and Kochi prefectural parliament. The arguments of this paper can be summarized in three points. Firstly, in both national Diet and Kochi parliament, the activities and functions of plenary sessions have become extremely weak. One especially salient fact is the total lack of clause by clause type of legislative deliberations, which are the universal norm of western democracies including France. Second argument is that in Japan’s two cases question-and-answer style is almost the only pattern within the legislative procedures, and discussions between parliamentarians are lacking, which in French case are normally carried out through amendment activities. Finally, despite the similarities, Japan’s national Diet has one very significant characteristics unseen in local parliament. The Diet is a sort of ‘negotiating system’, which needs almost perpetual negotiations in order to manage itself including legislative procedures. This is impressively different from a sort of ‘prefixed system’ of local parliament.
著者
平山 勉
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
no.18, pp.67-104, 2016-03-01

The purpose of this paper is to clarify the relationship between the middle management of the South Manchuria Railway Company (SMR) and the employees association, Mantetsu-Shain-kai, in order to better understand the characteristics of SMR’s in-house bulletin known as Kyowa. Why focus on middle management instead of upper management officials? The main reason is that the highest ranking company officials―the president and vice president―tended to be hired from outside the company and had rather short terms of office. Moreover, only a few of these people actually stayed for the duration of these relatively short terms. But middle level directors who were promoted internally often had careers of more than ten years either as department heads or chief managers of each section. That is the reason why we must analyze SMR’s middle management. On the other hand, those officers at the headquarters of Mantetsu-Shain-kai were selected in a democratic way. These officials were the chief secretary, the permanent secretary and the chief of section. Most of these people were SMR’s middle management officers at the same time, or would become chief managers of sections later on. Mantetsu-Shain-kai was a facility for the training of SMR’s middle management. According to the account settlement of Mantetsu-Shain-kai, ‘membership fees’ and ‘revenue from publication’ occupied most of the revenue, and ‘publication expenses’ accounted for most of the expenditure. Most ‘publication expenses’ were used to publish Kyowa. The main activity of the headquarters’ officers of Mantetsu-Shain-kai was to declare their own views in Kyowa in order to manage SMR as the key member. Understanding Kyowa is important in order to properly analyze the economic system in China in 1930-40s.
著者
佐藤 正夫
出版者
学習院大学
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.13, pp.177-197, 2011-03

This year marks the centennial of the annexation of Korea by Japan and the 91st anniversary of the incipience of the March First Movement. Nonetheless, there is a relative paucity of research in Japan into Japanese-Korean relations during this era. More specifically, so far there has been little comprehensive research into the Korean Declaration of Independence Using primary sources in the context of the March First Movement. The present paper focuses oll the Declaration itself against the backdrop of the March First Movement, and explores how it came to be drafted and spread throughout the country. The significance of the Declaration is explored by examining how one Japanese person obtained and stored it in Pyongyang. It is the author's opinion that this examination of the Declaration of Independence as a historical document provides a new perspective on the March First Movement. Needless to say, this study in itself does not make a case for a major change in views of the March First Movement or of the Declaration's signatories as''traitors", but it does pose questions worthy of further examination.
著者
王 建新
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
no.14, pp.405-416, 2012-03-31 (Released:2017-05-31)
著者
玉井 建也
出版者
学習院大学東洋文化研究所
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
no.18, pp.57-80, 2016-03

This paper examines the formation of history image and the relationship with development and the real world by taking up an image of the person who appears on historical novels. More specifically, this paper discusses the Ghost Story of Yotsuya, Juutarou IWAMI and Sasuke SARUTOBI and considered the difference between the forgotten existence and the existence left for the memory even now. A correlation with story culture and the real world is important. Moreover fans of entertainment works also referred to the tourism by visiting related places. I pointed out the importance of the archive facilities where it is supported.
著者
玉井 建也
出版者
学習院大学東洋文化研究所
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
no.18, pp.57-80, 2016-03

This paper examines the formation of history image and the relationship with development and the real world by taking up an image of the person who appears on historical novels. More specifically, this paper discusses the Ghost Story of Yotsuya, Juutarou IWAMI and Sasuke SARUTOBI and considered the difference between the forgotten existence and the existence left for the memory even now. A correlation with story culture and the real world is important. Moreover fans of entertainment works also referred to the tourism by visiting related places. I pointed out the importance of the archive facilities where it is supported.
著者
大出 尚子
出版者
学習院大学
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.14, pp.1-28, 2012-03

This research is a comparative study highlighting the differences between the Government-General Museum of Korea, a museum that served as the national museum of Korea under the"official empire," and the National Museum of Manchukuo that served as the national museum under the"unofficial empire"of Manchukuo. This study specifically focuses on the backgrounds and goals of the museum establishments, building locations, managerial organization, historical accounts of artifacts, and the exhibits of each museum. The relations between each of these areas and the colonial policies affecting each museum were then compared. The result of the analysis of academic sources and historical surveys shows that the displays at the Government-General Musgum of Korea demonstrated the theme"unity of Japan and Korea."Irl contrast, the National Museum of Manchukuo exhibitions were found to focus on goodwill and the strengthening of friendship between Japan and Manchukuo. Despite this, the activities of the National Museum of Manchukuo reflected in changes seen in the exhibitions, were represented by"Manchurian history"that rejected the reinstatement of the Qing dynasty.
著者
長綱 啓典
出版者
学習院大学東洋文化研究所
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
no.16, pp.380-358, 2014-03

Some Japanese Leibniz researchers have emphasized "the logic of the analogy" as the point about his chinology. This logic functions as a methodology, with which man can compare the Chinese thoughts with the European ones. But, how does Leibniz precisely judge, whether the informations that the Jesuits have send from China to him are correct? To this question, we can point out that there is the other logic in Leibniz : "the logic of the probability". Leibniz develops this logic mainly in the context of the debates on the reliability of the history, which have taken place around the end of the 17th century in Germany. In these debates, some thinkers agree with the Pyrrhonism on the history. But Leibniz objects to this point of view. He would prefer to establish the reliability of the history by suggesting different degrees about the probability. According to him, the consideration about the probability is based on a kind of calculation, whose exemplar man can find in the jurisprudence at that time. This calculation which demands the objective evidences is the essential of the logic of the probability, no less. Leibniz uses this logic not only in the field of the history, but also in that of chinology, to establish it as one of the objective and modern sciences.
著者
酒井 潔
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.16, pp.356-326, 2014-03-01

Literature on Philosophy or the history of religion sometimes suggests that Leibniz's Monadology (1714) and Kegon-Gyô - also known as the Buddhist philosophical tradition introduced into Japan from China in the eighth century - present almost the same content in many respects. However, no text-orientated precise analysis of the theme was made until Toshie Murakami (1871-1957) wrote Raibunittsu-shi to Kegon-shû (Mr. Leibniz and Kegon\Buddhism) as his graduation thesis, originally presented to the Imperial University of Tokyo in 1896. The first and only contribution to the topic by Murakami, however, remained unknown until his paper was collected in Kegon Shiso (The Thought of Kegon), edited by Hajime Nakamura in 1960. At that point, for the first time, one realized the solid contribution Murakami had made not only to Leibniz Studies but also to Philosophy of East-West Dialog. Murakami concludes in his article that there is no difference between Leibniz's concept of "monad" and the Buddhistic idea of "Jijimuge"(事々無礙) or the doctrine of the Kegon school that every individual already comes out from itself and that, at the same time, it goes into each other without any barrier.
著者
小林 亮介
出版者
学習院大学
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.13, pp.21-52, 2011-03

After the collapse of the Qing Empire in 1912, the Republican China asserted its authority over the whole of Tibet. The Dalai Lama government, in turn, also claimed independence and planned to unify Tibetan borderlands overlapping Chinese provinces. Therefore, Eastern Tibet, located between Tibet and China, inevitably became a central issue of this border dispute. Previously, many scholars have examined this dispute from the perspective of the historical process of the binary relationship between China and Tibet and from that of the history of the Chinese frontier policy. However, they have rarely focused on the indigenous Tibetan leaders who actually ruled Eastern Tibet. My paper examines the development of tripartite relationship between Qing Empire, Dalai lama government and indigenous leaders in Eastern Tibet, by clarifying the Kingdom of Derge(sDe dge), De ge Tusi(徳格土司), was committed to the Dalai Lama government and the Qing Empire during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. To do this, I based on primary materials in English, Chinese and Tibetan。 This historical process of the Derge Kingdom shows us part of the radical change of Eastern Tibet from the intermediate region between China and Tibet to the front line that both governments planed to unify.
著者
菊池 秀明
出版者
学習院大学
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, pp.137-171, 2008-03

This article aims to clarify the social background of Hong Xiuquan's defeat and his founding of Shandijiao through the influence of Christianity.(1)Hong Xiuquan failed the civil service examination (科挙)in 1833, and he seemed to take notice of the mysterious death of Li Taijiao(李泰交), who was the proctor of the examination in Guangdong Province.(2)The vision of Hong Xiuquan was not an isolated phenomenon;its model was a story from Guangdong.(3)R. Morrison'spublication of the Christian pamphlet was disclosed in 1835, and Hong Xiuquan must have acquired the Quαnshi liαngrVαn(『勧世 良言』)in 1833.(4)The Datong(大同)utopia had great influence among Chinese intellectuals, and the Jin Mingguan's(金銘館) proposal to revive the ancient regime had much in common with Hong's claim in his books.(5)The Datong utopia tended to deny that the"self"(「私心」)was the cause of social conflict, and Hong Xiuquan did not agree with the anti-alien movement because he regarded it as an expression of the self.(6)The permission of the Christian mission by the Qing(清)government was an expression of its traditionaI policy to contain a foreign country (England) by pleasing other countries(France and the United States), but the Qing government prohibited the mission beyond the concession.(7)Strictly speaking, the activities of I. J, Roberts, who was the teacher of Hong Xiuquan, were illegal, and it is very lucky for the history of the Taiping rebellion that Feng Yunshan(鵜雲山)received only a light punishment in 1848 following the case of the Catholic missionary.
著者
酒井 潔
出版者
学習院大学
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.16, pp.326-356, 2014-03

Literature on Philosophy or the history of religion sometimes suggests that Leibniz's Monadology (1714) and Kegon-Gyô - also known as the Buddhist philosophical tradition introduced into Japan from China in the eighth century - present almost the same content in many respects. However, no text-orientated precise analysis of the theme was made until Toshie Murakami (1871-1957) wrote Raibunittsu-shi to Kegon-shû (Mr. Leibniz and Kegon\Buddhism) as his graduation thesis, originally presented to the Imperial University of Tokyo in 1896. The first and only contribution to the topic by Murakami, however, remained unknown until his paper was collected in Kegon Shiso (The Thought of Kegon), edited by Hajime Nakamura in 1960. At that point, for the first time, one realized the solid contribution Murakami had made not only to Leibniz Studies but also to Philosophy of East-West Dialog. Murakami concludes in his article that there is no difference between Leibniz's concept of "monad" and the Buddhistic idea of "Jijimuge"(事々無礙) or the doctrine of the Kegon school that every individual already comes out from itself and that, at the same time, it goes into each other without any barrier.
著者
雨田 英一
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
no.2, pp.385-418, 2000-03-31

Fukuzawa Yukichi福沢諭吉was a very enthusiastic nationalist in modern Japan. At the salne time, he absolutely insisted that all freedoms and rights be guaranteed to a11 individuals. It was a persistent purpose throughout his work to show how to achieve both individual and national independence without contradiction. He claimed that it depended upon a sweeping transformation of the Japanese people, and that the chief agenda for bringing about that transformation was not only education, but also race improvement. Some may claim that there was logically an inherent contradiction in his statements,1eading him into an intellectual dilemma, since race improvement is contrary to the inalienable rights of mankind that he had defended. However, in Fukuzawa’s view, there was no contradiction; in fact, we cannot show that he ever faced such a dilemma. The reason why is explained in the present article, which deals with some basic elements of Fukuzawa’s thought.
著者
辻 大和
出版者
学習院大学東洋文化研究所
雑誌
東洋文化研究 = Journal of Asian cultures (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
no.19, pp.95-128, 2017-03

Analyzing mainly the newly found Ogura Shimpei collection, this article examines the colonial education policy on Chinese characters, hanja, and Classic Chinese, hanmun, since the annexation of Korea in 1910. First, focusing on the view of Japanese educationists in mainland Japan and colonial Korea on the Korean language, Chinese characters, and Classic Chinese, there were some arguments that aimed to abolish the teaching of Korean and Classic Chinese, while there were some arguments that opposed this abolition. The colonial government actually used the teaching of Classic Chinese to attract Korean students into entering public common schools. Second, among those who attended the official conference on Korean orthography in 1911, many Korean intellectuals showed deep geographical and historical knowledge of Korean pronunciation of Chinese characters, while Japanese colonial officials could only show their superficial knowledge of Korean pronunciation of Chinese characters. Finally, I found that Ogura, who was an official of the Educational Bureau in the Government General of Chosen at that time, was engaged in official research on Chinese literature at the royal library, the Kyujanggak. The demand from educational policy seems to have made such research possible.
著者
桝谷 祐一
出版者
学習院大学東洋文化研究所
雑誌
東洋文化研究 = Journal of Asian cultures (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
no.19, pp.129-147, 2017-03

In 1881, Chosŏn-Korean government dispatched two delegations, Yŏngsŏnsa(領選使, Emissary dispatched to the Qing Dynasty) which sent to Qing Dynasty and Chosa Sich'altan(朝士視察団, Korean Courtiers' Observation Mission to Japan in 1881) to Meiji Japan. As a result, The word Haksaeng(学生) from Qing and Saengdo( 生徒) from Japan were brought in. There is the possibility that Haksaeng, which means Educatee(被教育者, a recipient of education), was used as the title to call the educatee in Tongmunhak(同文学, School of Interpreters), the Institution for educating foreign language. However Haksaeng was not general in use as vocabulary. Saengdo settled in for a short time. From early 1886 Saengdo has vanished and Hakto(学徒) was used. In the same period Yugyŏng kongwon(育英公院, the Royal College) was established, and a educatee of Yugyŏng kongwon called oneself Hagwon(学員). That is why, in my argument, they wanted to distinguish themselves from Hakto through using differentiated vocabulary. By analyzing historical materials, I find the tendency: The word Haksaeng was used as the calling title of educatee of Qing or Japan nationality. Contrary to the above case, there was a tendency that educatee of Korean nationality was not called as Haksaeng. The change of the calling title of educatee went along with Korea's effort to free them from the fetters of Qing's intervene. I assume that the reason why Hakto or Hagwon was used as vocabulary for calling title of educatee is the expression for Korea's identity which differ from Qing or Japan's.
著者
武内 房司
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
no.19, pp.31-72, 2017-03

DAINAN KOOSI founded by MATSUSHITA Mitsuhiro (1896-1983) in Hà Nội in 1922, transferred to Saigon in 1928, should be paid more attention by two reasons. First, it was one of the oldest and most successful Japanese trading company born and developed in French Indochina, and occupied an important position in Modern Japanese-Vietnamese Relations. Second, DAINAN KOOSI kept close contact with the Vietnamese Nationalist Movements, especially MATSUSHITA supported the wide-ranging activities of the Việt Nam Phúc Quốc Đồng Minh Hội (League for the National Restoration of Vietnam) led by Cường Để during the World War II. This paper will focus and shed the light on the economic and political activities of DAINAN KOOSI based on the Pan-Asianism during the World War II in French Indochina, especially on MATSUSHITA's positive participations in the Vietnamese Nationalist Movements, for example, the League for the National Restoration of Vietnam led by Cường Để, using such Archival Documents in Vietnam, France, Japan.