著者

雨田 英一 Eiichi Ameda

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 = Journal of Asian cultures (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.2, pp.385-418, 2000-03-31

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Fukuzawa Yukichi福沢諭吉was a very enthusiastic nationalist in modern Japan. At the salne time, he absolutely insisted that all freedoms and rights be guaranteed to a11 individuals. It was a persistent purpose throughout his work to show how to achieve both individual and national independence without contradiction. He claimed that it depended upon a sweeping transformation of the Japanese people, and that the chief agenda for bringing about that transformation was not only education, but also race improvement. Some may claim that there was logically an inherent contradiction in his statements,1eading him into an intellectual dilemma, since race improvement is contrary to the inalienable rights of mankind that he had defended. However, in Fukuzawa’s view, there was no contradiction; in fact, we cannot show that he ever faced such a dilemma. The reason why is explained in the present article, which deals with some basic elements of Fukuzawa’s thought.

著者

佐藤 正夫

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.13, pp.177-197, 2011-03-31

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This year marks the centennial of the annexation of Korea by Japan and the 91st anniversary of the incipience of the March First Movement. Nonetheless, there is a relative paucity of research in Japan into Japanese-Korean relations during this era. More specifically, so far there has been little comprehensive research into the Korean Declaration of Independence Using primary sources in the context of the March First Movement. The present paper focuses oll the Declaration itself against the backdrop of the March First Movement, and explores how it came to be drafted and spread throughout the country. The significance of the Declaration is explored by examining how one Japanese person obtained and stored it in Pyongyang. It is the author’s opinion that this examination of the Declaration of Independence as a historical document provides a new perspective on the March First Movement. Needless to say, this study in itself does not make a case for a major change in views of the March First Movement or of the Declaration’s signatories as‘‘traitors”, but it does pose questions worthy of further examination.

著者

宮田 節子[監修] 宮嶋 博史 岡本 真希子 田中 隆一 辻 弘範 宮本 正明[編集協力]

出版者

学習院大学

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, pp.219-317, 2006-03

著者

野中 尚人

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.17, pp.427-466, 2015-03-01

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With more than 120 years of history and well consolidated status and power especially after the World War II, Japan’s national Diet may still be regarded as rather poor ‘supreme’ organ. This paper aims to clarify the characteristics of actual mechanism of Japan’s Diet in terms of both institutional settings and facts about legislative activities by making comparison both with French national parliament and Kochi prefectural parliament. The arguments of this paper can be summarized in three points. Firstly, in both national Diet and Kochi parliament, the activities and functions of plenary sessions have become extremely weak. One especially salient fact is the total lack of clause by clause type of legislative deliberations, which are the universal norm of western democracies including France. Second argument is that in Japan’s two cases question-and-answer style is almost the only pattern within the legislative procedures, and discussions between parliamentarians are lacking, which in French case are normally carried out through amendment activities. Finally, despite the similarities, Japan’s national Diet has one very significant characteristics unseen in local parliament. The Diet is a sort of ‘negotiating system’, which needs almost perpetual negotiations in order to manage itself including legislative procedures. This is impressively different from a sort of ‘prefixed system’ of local parliament.

著者

堀井 裕之

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.19, pp.1-30, 2017-03

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It is not possible to unravel the nature of the Sui and Tang administrations without addressing the role played by the Han Chinese“ dominant families”(門閥) in the amassing of societal respect by the governing class. However, previous research has not actively discussed the degree to which these “dominant families” played a role in the formation of the Sui and Tang administrations. This paper examines the so-called Yuegongfang(越公房) lineage of the Hongnong Yang clan(弘農楊氏), representative of the Han Chinese “dominant families,” by studying epitaphs(墓誌) and historical documents that have continuously been unearthed in recent years. As a result, this study demonstrates that the Yuegongfang clan maintained clan unity by establishing vast family burial grounds in Huayin(華陰)—the clan’s birthplace—and comprised of a great number of family lineages. In addition, the Yuegongfang, who possessed this foundation in rural society and were the central lineage of the Yang dominant family, shared their surname with the Sui Dynasty’s Imperial House, allowing them to obtain a position corresponding to that of the Imperial Family. In time, they were made part of the Zongwei (宗衛)— the Crown Prince’s guard—thus taking charge of the Imperial House’s military organization. This became the source of the Yuegongfang’s powerful influence, strong enough to affect the Crown Prince’s dethronement. This relationship between the Yuegongfang and the Sui Imperial House can be rephrased as the merging of Han Chinese “dominant families” and the emerging non-Han clans. Here, this paper inquiries anew into the significance of the influence of China’s dominant families in the formation process of the Sui and Tang administrations.

著者

大出 尚子

出版者

学習院大学

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, pp.1-28, 2012-03

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This research is a comparative study highlighting the differences between the Government-General Museum of Korea, a museum that served as the national museum of Korea under the"official empire," and the National Museum of Manchukuo that served as the national museum under the"unofficial empire"of Manchukuo. This study specifically focuses on the backgrounds and goals of the museum establishments, building locations, managerial organization, historical accounts of artifacts, and the exhibits of each museum. The relations between each of these areas and the colonial policies affecting each museum were then compared. The result of the analysis of academic sources and historical surveys shows that the displays at the Government-General Musgum of Korea demonstrated the theme"unity of Japan and Korea."Irl contrast, the National Museum of Manchukuo exhibitions were found to focus on goodwill and the strengthening of friendship between Japan and Manchukuo. Despite this, the activities of the National Museum of Manchukuo reflected in changes seen in the exhibitions, were represented by"Manchurian history"that rejected the reinstatement of the Qing dynasty.

著者

平山 勉

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.18, pp.67-104, 2016-03-01

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the relationship between the middle management of the South Manchuria Railway Company (SMR) and the employees association, Mantetsu-Shain-kai, in order to better understand the characteristics of SMR’s in-house bulletin known as Kyowa. Why focus on middle management instead of upper management officials? The main reason is that the highest ranking company officials―the president and vice president―tended to be hired from outside the company and had rather short terms of office. Moreover, only a few of these people actually stayed for the duration of these relatively short terms. But middle level directors who were promoted internally often had careers of more than ten years either as department heads or chief managers of each section. That is the reason why we must analyze SMR’s middle management. On the other hand, those officers at the headquarters of Mantetsu-Shain-kai were selected in a democratic way. These officials were the chief secretary, the permanent secretary and the chief of section. Most of these people were SMR’s middle management officers at the same time, or would become chief managers of sections later on. Mantetsu-Shain-kai was a facility for the training of SMR’s middle management. According to the account settlement of Mantetsu-Shain-kai, ‘membership fees’ and ‘revenue from publication’ occupied most of the revenue, and ‘publication expenses’ accounted for most of the expenditure. Most ‘publication expenses’ were used to publish Kyowa. The main activity of the headquarters’ officers of Mantetsu-Shain-kai was to declare their own views in Kyowa in order to manage SMR as the key member. Understanding Kyowa is important in order to properly analyze the economic system in China in 1930-40s.

著者

玉井 建也

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.18, pp.57-80, 2016-03

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This paper examines the formation of history image and the relationship with development and the real world by taking up an image of the person who appears on historical novels. More specifically, this paper discusses the Ghost Story of Yotsuya, Juutarou IWAMI and Sasuke SARUTOBI and considered the difference between the forgotten existence and the existence left for the memory even now. A correlation with story culture and the real world is important. Moreover fans of entertainment works also referred to the tourism by visiting related places. I pointed out the importance of the archive facilities where it is supported.

著者

堀井 裕之

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 = Journal of Asian cultures (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.19, pp.428-399, 2017-03

---

It is not possible to unravel the nature of the Sui and Tang administrations without addressing the role played by the Han Chinese" dominant families"(門閥) in the amassing of societal respect by the governing class. However, previous research has not actively discussed the degree to which these "dominant families" played a role in the formation of the Sui and Tang administrations. This paper examines the so-called Yuegongfang(越公房) lineage of the Hongnong Yang clan(弘農楊氏), representative of the Han Chinese "dominant families," by studying epitaphs(墓誌) and historical documents that have continuously been unearthed in recent years. As a result, this study demonstrates that the Yuegongfang clan maintained clan unity by establishing vast family burial grounds in Huayin(華陰)—the clan's birthplace—and comprised of a great number of family lineages. In addition, the Yuegongfang, who possessed this foundation in rural society and were the central lineage of the Yang dominant family, shared their surname with the Sui Dynasty's Imperial House, allowing them to obtain a position corresponding to that of the Imperial Family. In time, they were made part of the Zongwei (宗衛)— the Crown Prince's guard—thus taking charge of the Imperial House's military organization. This became the source of the Yuegongfang's powerful influence, strong enough to affect the Crown Prince's dethronement. This relationship between the Yuegongfang and the Sui Imperial House can be rephrased as the merging of Han Chinese "dominant families" and the emerging non-Han clans. Here, this paper inquiries anew into the significance of the influence of China's dominant families in the formation process of the Sui and Tang administrations.

著者

佐藤 正夫

出版者

学習院大学

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, pp.177-197, 2011-03

---

This year marks the centennial of the annexation of Korea by Japan and the 91st anniversary of the incipience of the March First Movement. Nonetheless, there is a relative paucity of research in Japan into Japanese-Korean relations during this era. More specifically, so far there has been little comprehensive research into the Korean Declaration of Independence Using primary sources in the context of the March First Movement. The present paper focuses oll the Declaration itself against the backdrop of the March First Movement, and explores how it came to be drafted and spread throughout the country. The significance of the Declaration is explored by examining how one Japanese person obtained and stored it in Pyongyang. It is the author's opinion that this examination of the Declaration of Independence as a historical document provides a new perspective on the March First Movement. Needless to say, this study in itself does not make a case for a major change in views of the March First Movement or of the Declaration's signatories as''traitors", but it does pose questions worthy of further examination.

著者

市来 弘志

出版者

学習院大学

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.5, pp.141-157, 2003-03

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Dai rai castle was built by Liu Weichen of Xiongnu tiefo tribe in 376A. D. in present Ordos area. Liu weichen dominated Ordos area based on this castle. In 391, the castle was fallen and abandoned by attacks of Xianbei Tuoba tribe. After that, the location of the CaStle WaS nOt Clear. Yang Shoujing elaborated on a location, Which was in and around Yijinhuoluo of Ordos in Inner Mongolia. However, it was not enough grounds. In 1991, the Civilizatioll Bureau of the Chinese Government authorized a theory of Dai Yingxin that the castle is the ruins of Baichengtai in Yulin-City, as a result of his field survey in 1987. Iinspected the Baichengtai ruins on August 23「d 2001. I think it is an adequate theory as of today that Baichengtai ruins are the Dailai castle, considering special construction method by using lime, Characteristics of castle walls, and geographical location,

著者

王 建新

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.14, pp.405-416, 2012-03-31 (Released:2017-05-31)

著者

菊池 秀明

出版者

学習院大学

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, pp.137-171, 2008-03

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This article aims to clarify the social background of Hong Xiuquan's defeat and his founding of Shandijiao through the influence of Christianity.(1)Hong Xiuquan failed the civil service examination (科挙)in 1833, and he seemed to take notice of the mysterious death of Li Taijiao(李泰交), who was the proctor of the examination in Guangdong Province.(2)The vision of Hong Xiuquan was not an isolated phenomenon;its model was a story from Guangdong.(3)R. Morrison'spublication of the Christian pamphlet was disclosed in 1835, and Hong Xiuquan must have acquired the Quαnshi liαngrVαn(『勧世 良言』)in 1833.(4)The Datong(大同)utopia had great influence among Chinese intellectuals, and the Jin Mingguan's(金銘館) proposal to revive the ancient regime had much in common with Hong's claim in his books.(5)The Datong utopia tended to deny that the"self"(「私心」)was the cause of social conflict, and Hong Xiuquan did not agree with the anti-alien movement because he regarded it as an expression of the self.(6)The permission of the Christian mission by the Qing(清)government was an expression of its traditionaI policy to contain a foreign country (England) by pleasing other countries(France and the United States), but the Qing government prohibited the mission beyond the concession.(7)Strictly speaking, the activities of I. J, Roberts, who was the teacher of Hong Xiuquan, were illegal, and it is very lucky for the history of the Taiping rebellion that Feng Yunshan(鵜雲山)received only a light punishment in 1848 following the case of the Catholic missionary.

著者

玉井 建也

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.18, pp.57-80, 2016-03

---

This paper examines the formation of history image and the relationship with development and the real world by taking up an image of the person who appears on historical novels. More specifically, this paper discusses the Ghost Story of Yotsuya, Juutarou IWAMI and Sasuke SARUTOBI and considered the difference between the forgotten existence and the existence left for the memory even now. A correlation with story culture and the real world is important. Moreover fans of entertainment works also referred to the tourism by visiting related places. I pointed out the importance of the archive facilities where it is supported.

著者

小島 浩之 Hiroyuki Kojima

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 = Journal of Asian cultures (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.10, pp.203-228, 2008-03-31

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This article mainly analyzes the formation process of the career path of elite bureaucrats in Tang Dynasty。 Moreover, from the viewpoint of the history of personnel policies, the Wu Zhou(武周)era in Tang Dynasty is discussed. In 698, an edict was issued, stating that the appointment of lower bureaucrats had to be based on their qualifications, when they entered officialdom. As a result, for the imperial examination, the career of successful candidates was distinguished from that of the lower classes. After three years, the Wu Zhou(武周)government determined that some posts in the bureaucratic system were to be able to be promoted to dignity early for the lower bureaucrat. This government decisionknown as Ge Pin Gui Ding(隔品規定)-constituted the support plans for candidates who were successful in the imperial examination. These successful candidates had a lower position in officialdom, and without the new policy, it was impossible for them to acquire a dignified position. Thus, the career paths of the elite bureaucrats in the Tang Dynasty were influenced by these personnel policies in the Wu Zhou (武周)era. A representative example of such career paths is the progression to Prime Minister by passing a selective examination eligible to candidates holding certain posts presented by the Ge Pin Gui Ding(隔品規定)policy. Such persona1 policies introduced by Empress Wu revealed one aspect of the security granted to successful candidates in the imperial examination.

著者

伊藤 英人 Hideto Ito

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 = Journal of Asian cultures (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.20, pp.105-129, 2018-03

著者

小林 亮介

出版者

学習院大学

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, pp.21-52, 2011-03

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After the collapse of the Qing Empire in 1912, the Republican China asserted its authority over the whole of Tibet. The Dalai Lama government, in turn, also claimed independence and planned to unify Tibetan borderlands overlapping Chinese provinces. Therefore, Eastern Tibet, located between Tibet and China, inevitably became a central issue of this border dispute. Previously, many scholars have examined this dispute from the perspective of the historical process of the binary relationship between China and Tibet and from that of the history of the Chinese frontier policy. However, they have rarely focused on the indigenous Tibetan leaders who actually ruled Eastern Tibet. My paper examines the development of tripartite relationship between Qing Empire, Dalai lama government and indigenous leaders in Eastern Tibet, by clarifying the Kingdom of Derge(sDe dge), De ge Tusi(徳格土司), was committed to the Dalai Lama government and the Qing Empire during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. To do this, I based on primary materials in English, Chinese and Tibetan。 This historical process of the Derge Kingdom shows us part of the radical change of Eastern Tibet from the intermediate region between China and Tibet to the front line that both governments planed to unify.

著者

林 鳴宇 Mingwu Lin

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 = Journal of Asian cultures (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.7, pp.321-347, 2005-03-31

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The offering of the body for burning is a kind of a Buddhistic self-immolation. Based on the Buddhism of Mahayana, the body is burned, and it is supposed to be the highest form of selfless giving. However, it is difficult to accept that a situation that causes such evident pain and an act that can occasionally be interpreted as recommending people to commit suicide are healthy religious acts. Conventionally, many of the Chinese emperors strictly forbade this offering. However, it was continuously practiced by Buddhists because they yearned to attain the Pure Land, by discarding the body and yearned to fulfill an important vow。 In the Chinese Tiantai school of Buddhism, which believes in the“Lotus Sutra,”some priests not only theoretically interpreted this practice, but many also practiced it. There exists a great difference in opinion regarding offering the body for burning, and it has been widely debated. The following three problems are discussed in this paper: (1) The origin of the practice of offering the body for burning. (2) Diverse views on offering the body for burning in Chinese Buddhism. (3) The offering of the body for burning in the Chinese Tiantai school of Buddhism.

著者

宮田 節子 Setsuko Miyata

出版者

学習院大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究 = Journal of Asian cultures (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.17, pp.359-375, 2015-03

著者

福元 健太郎 古田 紘也

雑誌

東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)

巻号頁・発行日

no.14, pp.243-265, 2012-03-31

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We study to what extent the amount of newspaper reports on China and North and South Korea affect how much Japanese like or dislike these countries. Some news is good news, while others are bad news. Thus, we are not sure whether more reports on a country make people either like or dislike the country under consideration (expected value constant hypothesis). On the other hand, since more reports provide more information, more people change their minds in either direction(variance increase hypothesis)。 We analyze monthly data from 1960 to 2010 and find that these hypotheses are supported. In addition, it turned out that, as trade with a country increases, more peoPle tend to dislike the country in the long run.