著者

久芳 崇

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.84, no.1, pp.33-54, 2002-06

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Researchers have conventionally theorized that the first firearms to reach China during the Ming Period were of Portuguese manufacture, but since the Chinese were not able to duplicate them in their complexity, Portuguese firearms would only become common after the 1548 attack on Shuang-yu 双嶼 by the Ming army, which had obtained firearms from its Japanese prisoners.In the mid-16th century generals like Qi Ji-guang 威継光 made efforts to obtain firearms, which proved useful in feuding off Japanese pirates (Wo kou 倭寇) and the defense of the northern territories.It is not very clear, however, just how common firearms really were in China during the early 17th century, and improved versions like those used by the Japanese in the invasion of Korea do not seem to have been known to the Ming dynasty.On the other hand, the thousands of Japanese taken prisoner during the War played an important part in the diffusion of firearms in Korea, and it seems reasonable to assume the same situation occurred in China.Previous research has not taken into account how the firearms obtained from the Japanese were put to use by the Ming army, and how they influenced the spread of improved firearms during the period.In this article, the author discusses how firearms the Ming army took from Japanese during the fighting in Korea were later used to suppress Yang Ying-long’s 楊応龍 revolt in Bo zhou 播州 and also examines how these improved weapons spread to Ming China, a point that has received little scholarly attention to date.

著者

会田 大輔

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.2, pp.193-224, 2009-09

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During the Wei, Jin and Southern and Northern Dynasties periods, inspectors (cishi 刺史) of regional administrative districts (zhou州) were given the title, jiangjun 将軍 (generalissimo) before being dispatched to the districts they were to inspect. Serving under them were local officials, zhou zuo 州佐, whose duty it was to serve not only the cishi but also regional administrators (fu zuo 府佐) whom manned the jiangjun’s government. Little research has been conducted to date on the raison d’être of this bureaucracy, called zhoufu liaozuo 州府僚佐, through the Northern Wei and Sui periods, despite the fact that understanding how the zhoufu liaozuo system was organized and continued from dynasty to dynasty would 1) shed light on the characteristics of the local administrative systems of each dynasty and 2) allow us to reconsider the impact of the local administrative reform implemented by the Sui Dynasty.Unfortunately few sources remain explaining how the zhoufu liaozuo system operated during the latter half of the Northern Wei period, leaving its specifics unknown, despite its role as the origin of the Northern Dynasties and Sui Dynasty administrative systems. There is one extant source, however, a stone epitaph recently discovered in Ning 寧 Prefecture, Gansu 甘粛 Province that could help shed more light on how the system actually worked during the latter half of the Northern Wei period. The so called “Shangongsi-bei" 山公寺碑 was erected during the first year of the Zhengshi 正始 era by Shan Lei 山累, the cishi of Binzhou 豳州. The front and the back of the epitaph contain lists of the names of as many as 210 members of the zhoufu liaozuo bureaucracy and other local officials at the xian 県 level, more names than provided by any other source related to the period.This article attempts to unveil more details about the zhoufu liaozuo system through an analysis of Shangong-si epitaph, which indicates both specific titles and the hierarchical characteristics of the system. The source also provides evidence that many bureaucrats without aristocratic titles (liuwai-guan 流外官) were members of the zhoufu liaozuo governance mechanism. The epitaph also reveals that there were many non-Han Chinese inhabiting Binzhou at that time, some of whom held positions of power and rank ranging from the zhou to the xian level. Consequently, the author concludes that in Binzhou, efforts were made to incorporate influential non-Han Chinese local leaders into the dynastic order by installing them as zhouzuo or the liuwai bureaucrats at the regional government level.

著者

会田 大輔

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.96, no.4, pp.31-65, 2015-03

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After the fall of the Northern Wei Dynasty in 534, the Western Wei and subsequent Northern Zhou Dynasties abolished the current bureaucratic system in favor of the six ministries system (Liuguan-Zhi 六官制) originally laid out in the Zhouli 周礼.However, even today there are many things we do not know about this system, although in recent years research comparing the Liuguan and Sui Dynasty bureaucracies has progressed. Unfortunately, our insufficient knowledge about the former has posed a hindrance to such comparative research.Moreover, in order to improve our understanding about the political history of the Northern Zhou Dynasty, it is necessary to clarify the relationship between the Liuguan system and the Bafu 覇府, the military headquarters from which Yuwen Tai, Yuwen Hu and Yang Jian (founder of the Sui Dynasty) wielded actual power.Although research is progressing on the institutions close to the emperor, like the Neishi 内史(governor of the capital) and Yuzheng 御正 (chancellors of the imperial household), during the first half of the Dynasty’s reign, these posts did not form the core of governance, due to the hegemony of Yuwen Hu. In order to contribute to the growing research, the present article takes up the Imperial Ministry’s (Tianguan天官) post of Sihui Zhongdaifu 司会中大夫, who during the era of Yuwen Hu acted as his assistant in coordinating the affairs of the Liuguan ministries.The research to date had understood Sihui as the minister of fiscal affairs and its control over the Liuguan System was thought to have been a temporaryone. On the other hand, Jiao Peimin 焦培民, identifies the Northern Zhou Sihui as performing the same duties as the head of the Executive Branch (Shangshu-Sheng 尚書省) of the Northern Wei’s three ministry system; however, since the Northern Zhou purposefully dismantled that ministry, it is difficult to conceive of the Sihui performing the same function.Instead, the purpose of this article is to analyze the functions of and appointees to the post of Sihui, in an attempt to clarify the relationship between the Northern Zhou’s Liuguan system and the Bafu.Based on the main text of the Zhouli and commentaries on it written by Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 during the last decades of the Later Han Dynasty, the author concludes that while the Northern Zhou Sihui was an appointment similar in function to the head of the former Shengshu Ministry, his authority was much diminished compared to his Northern Wei counterpart and consisted of coordinating proposals submitted by the Liuguan bureaus and reporting back the policy decisions made concerning them.Nevertheless, the post of Sihui was indispensable to the maintenance of the regime, ensuring the smooth functioning of government.For this reason, the Sihui was also appointed by the Yuwens and Yang Jian as a trusted member of the Bafu general staff and put in charge of administrative affairs, clearly showing an intimate relationship between the Liuguan system and the Bafu, as well as revealing one important characteristic of the Northern Zhou Dynasty’s bureaucratic structure.

著者

鈴木 真

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.83, no.3, pp.319-348, 2001-12

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This article analyzes fiscal problems existing before and after the enthronement of Emperor Yongzheng 雍正帝, taking the cases of auditing the silver reserves of the Board of Revenue and its deficits. Then, the author clarifies the relationship between regulations concerning corruption by the bureaucracy concerned with the fiscal affairs and the establishment of Imperial power.Emperor Yongzheng, who was well informed about fiscal corruption, intended to grapple with reform as soon as he ascended the throne.The establishment of Imperial power and taking hold of the empire's purse strings were indivisible. Solving of the silver reserve deficit was an immediate problem.Yongzheng ordered Yi Qinwang 恰親王 and Boldo, who had been his advisors since he was a prince, to audit the silver reserves of the Board of Revenue. Consequently, it was found in the silver deficit amounted to two million six hundred thousand liang.Yongzheng ordered former members of the Board to compensate the deficit. However, there were some bureaucrats who did not comply. They were Manchu bannermen. This fact suggests that the substance of the deficit did not involve simple illegal acts by bureaucrats but it was related to Manchu bannermen.From such a viewpoint, the author clarifies the background of the deficit caused by Board member Hifene and a clerical official of the Reserves, Zeng Dengyun 曽登雲, in order to detail the embezzlement.Emperor Kangxi 康煕帝's princes participated in both cases. Especially in the case of Zeng Dengyun, fiscal administration was affected by the embezzlements caused by vertical relationships among the Eight Banners, between banner princes and banner bureaucrats, and their bondservants, or between banner bureaucrats and their employees.Therefore, Yongzheng, who intended to establish his power, had to carry out reform immediately after his enthronement. Furthermore, the fact Yongzheng appointed followers under his influence to the bureaucracy and tried to resolve the fiscal problems suggests a necessity to understand the fiscal history of the Qing dynasty in terms of the influence of the Eight Banners.

著者

黒岩 高

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, no.3, pp.421-455, 2004-12

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The Muslim rebellion that arose in Northwest China between 1862 and 1878 is one of the most momentous series of events in Chinese Muslim history. Although it has mostly attracted attention as a symbol of the century of revolt, regional differences within the rebellion has yet to be sufficiently argued. By focusing on the rebellion’s local character, this paper aims to offer a new perspective on the rebellion itself, proposing an approach for correlating regional characteristics with the religious basis of the Chinese Muslim society. This paper focuses on the areas of Shangxi and Gansu, for each shows distinctive regional differences. Through an examination of the roles played by rebellion leaders in each region regarding the maintenance of local social order, the following can be conceived.The Muslim society of Shangxi was characterized by Xue (学), based on a tradition of Islamic Holy scripture scholarship. And the recognition of Ahongs, the leaders of the community, was grounded in an understanding of scripture with concerns exclusively on sustaining the ethical standard of their own community. Therefore, they did not participate in the non-Muslim social order and had no intent to coordinate cooperation with other communitiesOn the other hand, the Menhuan shaykhs of Gansu formed networks within a fluid Jiao (教) society; and out of a necessity to manage their community alliances, they took authority over various mundane matters and leaned towards regional integration. In addition, local administrators hoped to take advantage of them and set the conditions under which they would become the leaders within the local order.It is hardly a coincidence that the local aspects of Muslim society produced a rebellion in Xue Muslim society that was rather separatist, while producing an uprising with characteristics tending towards regional integration in Jiao Muslim society. Thus, it can be said that the rebellions in Shangxi and Gansu possessed different relevance, each reflecting local circumstances. In this respect, what has been said about unity and solidarity within rebellions should be at least questioned in the future study of them.

著者

バレット トーマス

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.3, pp.59-93, 2018-12

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The Qing’s fledgling diplomatic system in the late 19th century was supported both domestically and abroad by Westerners employed as diplomatic staff in its legations and consulates; as auxiliary advisors primarily outsourced from the Imperial Maritime Customs Service on an ad-hoc basis by provincial governors; and by Robert Hart, Inspector General of the Imperial Maritime Customs Service. However, scholars have yet to provide an in-depth analysis of the role and significance of the Western staff in the Qing’s legations and consulates. In order to begin to clarify the role of such individuals, this paper analyses the function of Halliday Macartney, a Scotsman who served as Counsellor to the Qing Legation in London, in informal negotiations during the Sino-French War which were overseen by his direct superior Zeng Jize, the then incumbent Qing Minister to Britain and Russia. Past studies have typically portrayed Zeng’s diplomacy as a singlehanded effort, and have failed to recognise the contributions of Macartney. This author demonstrates how, in the case of Zeng’s diplomacy during the Sino-French War, while ultimate accountability lay with Zeng, Macartney was responsible for: (1) overseeing informal negotiations with agents of the French government; (2) acting as go-between for the Qing Legation with the British Foreign Office when attempting to elicit both formal and informal British assistance; and (3) drawing up all treaty drafts produced by the Qing London Legation in this period. Moreover, this paper demonstrates how Macartney’s bicultural identity and bicultural understanding benefited the Qing side in these negotiations. It argues that Macartney’s social standing within European society, and the concomitant personal networks it enabled, helped to initiate the informal negotiations referred to above. It further demonstrates how Macartney’s multilingual talents and familiarity with both traditional Chinese and Westphalian systems of interstate relations enabled him, in a last-ditch attempt at achieving rapprochement between the two parties, to clarify for the French side the enigmatic demands of the Qing relating to a purely nominal acceptance of the continuation of the ‘suzerain-vassal’ relationship between China and Vietnam, after accepting French sovereignty over Vietnam. The author concludes that Zeng’s diplomacy ought to be interpreted in light of these contributions by Macartney.

著者

大塚 修

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.2, pp.029-036, 2020-09-17

著者

鈴木 真

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.83, no.3, pp.319-348, 2001-12

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This article analyzes fiscal problems existing before and after the enthronement of Emperor Yongzheng 雍正帝, taking the cases of auditing the silver reserves of the Board of Revenue and its deficits. Then, the author clarifies the relationship between regulations concerning corruption by the bureaucracy concerned with the fiscal affairs and the establishment of Imperial power.Emperor Yongzheng, who was well informed about fiscal corruption, intended to grapple with reform as soon as he ascended the throne.The establishment of Imperial power and taking hold of the empire’s purse strings were indivisible. Solving of the silver reserve deficit was an immediate problem.Yongzheng ordered Yi Qinwang 恰親王 and Boldo, who had been his advisors since he was a prince, to audit the silver reserves of the Board of Revenue. Consequently, it was found in the silver deficit amounted to two million six hundred thousand liang.Yongzheng ordered former members of the Board to compensate the deficit. However, there were some bureaucrats who did not comply. They were Manchu bannermen. This fact suggests that the substance of the deficit did not involve simple illegal acts by bureaucrats but it was related to Manchu bannermen.From such a viewpoint, the author clarifies the background of the deficit caused by Board member Hifene and a clerical official of the Reserves, Zeng Dengyun 曽登雲, in order to detail the embezzlement.Emperor Kangxi 康煕帝’s princes participated in both cases. Especially in the case of Zeng Dengyun, fiscal administration was affected by the embezzlements caused by vertical relationships among the Eight Banners, between banner princes and banner bureaucrats, and their bondservants, or between banner bureaucrats and their employees.Therefore, Yongzheng, who intended to establish his power, had to carry out reform immediately after his enthronement. Furthermore, the fact Yongzheng appointed followers under his influence to the bureaucracy and tried to resolve the fiscal problems suggests a necessity to understand the fiscal history of the Qing dynasty in terms of the influence of the Eight Banners.

著者

柳谷 あゆみ

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.1, pp.01-017, 2017-06

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Tārīkh al-dawla al-Atābakīya mulūk al-Mawṣil li-Ibn al-Athīr (Ms. ARABE 1898, Paris) is the only extant manuscript recognized as Ibn al-Athīr’s dynastic history titled al-Tārīkh al-bāhir fi al-dawla al-Atābakīya. Based on this manuscript De Slane published a revised edition in 1876, and then in 1963 Ṭulaymāt published a newly revised edition. Currently the latter is mainly utilized for research as an improved version of De Slane’s edition. In his work, Ṭulaymāt improved the technical inadequacy of De Slane’s edition and refuted (or ignored) De Slane’s claim of the existence of additions to the manuscript in later eras. Focusing on this point, the author of this article examined the descriptions of the manuscript and compared the two editions based on the same manuscript to make clear its contents and the later additions. For verification, since no other manuscript of al-Bāhir has been found, the author utilized as comparative materials two historical texts, Abū Shāma’s Kitāb al-Rawḍatayn and Ibn Qādī Shuhba’s al-Kawākib al-Durrīya, which include many quotations from al-Bāhir. As a result of the close examination, the author selected for detailed textual criticism two chapters, Chap. 97 and Chap. 133, which were suspected of being added to the original text in a later era. Chap. 97 is the chapter which De Slane had considered it as an addition, while Ṭulaymāt did not. The author examined the description and confirmed the authenticity of De Slane’s argument. As for Chap. 133, to which both editors paid no particular attention, the author pointed that its description was possibly not from Ibn al-Athīr’s text, but added from Abū Shāma’s text, by comparing the texts and checking the word “qultu” (= I said) in the texts, which indicated the description was not a quotation.As a result of the examination, the author concluded that the manuscript was supposed to contain some complements from the descriptions which were left in the form of citations by other historical materials which have gone missing.

著者

辻 大地

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.4, pp.01-025, 2017-03

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While it is commonly known that sexual and love relations between men in pre-modern society, including that of the ‘Abbāsid Period, were widespread, most of the historical research to date has regarded such relations as synonymous with modern concepts of “homosexuality.” In addition, historians tend to be of the opinion that what may be called the “essentialist” concept of “Islamic homosexuality” has been embraced consistently regardless of time or place, when trying to understand male-male sexual relationships of various places and different periods. In recent years more and more research is being done that reexamines these conventional views. In particular, the research on the Ottoman Period has begun to relocate male-male sexual relationships within the context of sexuality as a whole. Unfortunately, the ‘Abbāsid period has yet to be so reconsidered, mainly due to a paucity of historical sources regarding sexuality during that time. Given such circumstances, the present article is an attempt to show one facet of sexuality at the time, through a consideration of male-male sexual relationships in the ‘Abbāsid period. For this purpose, the author conducts an analysis of the discourse presented in the al-Jāḥiẓ’s Kitāb Mufākhara al-Jawārī wa al-Ghilmān (The Book of the Boasting Match between Girls and Boys) which is almost the only historical material written dealing explicitly with the subject of sexuality. The analysis shows that there was a distinction between “adult males” and “non adult-males,” including not only females but boys, adolescents and so on, with respect to sexual relationships. Moreover, this distinction seems to correspond to a distinction between active and passive roles in sexual intercourse. The author concludes that sexual relationships at the time were based not on modern binary sexual categories of male and female, but rather on a different category fluctuating between “adult males” and “non adult-males.”

著者

藤田 豊八

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, no.2, pp.247-257, 1916-05

著者

田中 雅人

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.4, pp.01-032, 2021-03-15

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In 1861, the Ottoman Government established a special district in Mount Lebanon, which embodied the principle of proportionate-sectarian representation as opposed to the conventional mode of rule by the local Druze lords. However, the details of the complex process of reintegrating the autonomous local ruler into the new regime remain uncertain, and need to be closely reexamined. Overdue discussion of the sectarian land survey of 1862 to 1869 thus offers excellent insights into this question. The communal conflict of 1841–60, being the crucial background for the new administration in Mount Lebanon, broke out as the tension between the local Druze lords and the Maronite clergy-led peasants peaked following a proclamation to abolish tax-farming in the Ottoman State. The debates of the representatives of the Ottoman Government and the Five European Powers who interfered in the conflict reveals that they saw the establishing of a new order in Mount Lebanon as entailing the separation of the Druze and Maronite sects. To achieve this, the Government and the European Powers deemed the individualization of land ownership as a prerequisite since they understood that the existing unequal share of land revenue between the two sects was the main reason for the unrest. Analysis of the locally preserved land records of the sectarian mixed village in the Shūf sub-district shows that although the calculation and assessment of the land revenue relied on native methods, every land plot and its revenues in the village are listed by sect (Druze, Maronite, and Greek-Catholic), and are recorded under the names of the proprietors. However, the fact that the land tax remained to be collected in each village en bloc indicates the incomplete individualization of property rights. Nevertheless, the unification of tax collection to each village signifies that they became independent administrative units, and it was a pragmatic measure to retract the hereditary rights of powerful local lords as tax-farmers. This point is particularly evident in the successive failures of the earlier efforts of land surveys in the 1840s, which attempted to register each property individually. Therefore, by designating each village a sole collector of the land tax, and allocating the burden by sect, the sectarian land survey dismantled the established rule of the local lords under the tax-farming system and envisaged an independent sectarian entity in return for taxation. It was at this point that even the Druze notables, who had claimed their ancestral right during the conflict of 1841–60, readily applied sectarian language to their political discourse.

著者

鈴木 陵二

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.81, no.3, pp.402-408, 1999-12

著者

近藤 信彰

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.76, no.1・2, pp.053-083, 1994-10

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It has been pointed out that local elites who de facto ruled provinces played the important role in Iranian society during 18th and 19th centuries. The purpose of this paper is, as a case study of these elites, to analyze public buildings and Vaqf endowments of Moḥammad Taqī Khān and his family in Yazd province and to examine their contribution to the local society and their social and economic background.Public buildings of Moḥammad Taqī Khān who ruled Yazd from 1748 to 1798 fall into three categories: (a) buildings in the suburb of Yazd city, like qanāts and baāhs (gardens), (b) buildings in the bazar area of Yazd city, like a madrasa, commercial establishments and a public square, (c) buildings in Taft, like qanāts and agricultural land. These buildings became political, economic and cultural center of Yazd city and promoted the city expansion to the suburb. His 1755’s vaqf endowment covers the expense of the madrasa which he built and by 1797-8’s vaqf deed he decided the terms for maintenance of qanāts. His children succeeded his activities and built a lot of qanāts, bāghs, and agricultural land. At last his family’s endowments reached about 40% of all vaqf endowments in Yazd. These activities not only sound investments and means to hold estate but also good deeds for local society and means to get local support to their government in Yazd. The fact that they controlled the finance of local government and employed it freely made these activities possible.We may, therefore, reasonably concluded that Moḥammad Taqī Khān and his family had a solid social and economical base in the local society as a result of these activities. And I suppose that the existence of such local elites as Moḥammad Taqī Khān had a strong influence on the structure of Qajar dynasty that united Iran again.

著者

尾崎 貴久子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.88, no.3, pp.336-364, 2006-12

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There are twelve food names and simple recipes for each under the heading “huihui shihp’in” 回回食品 in the Chücia Piyung Shihlei, seven of which are transliterated into Chinese characters from their original languages Arabic, Persian or Turkish. There is the Persian sweetmeat, shakarbūra, the Turkish pasta dish, ṭuṭumāj, the Arabic flour porridge, harīsa and four Arabic sweetmeats, fālūdhaj, ḥalwā’, qurṣ zalābīya. Thc other five names are paraphrastic translations appearing as Chinese ideographs: samosa (chüanchienping), rice porridge (kaomi), sweet and sour meat stew (suant’ang), savory bottled custard (hailossŭ), and stuffed lung (hêhsifei).According to the Arabic sources regarding the seven transliterated foods, five (other than shakarbūra and qurṣ) were popular and well-known throughout the Islamic world during the 13th century and were often served at parties and on festival days. Harīsa, fālūdhaj, ḥalwā’ and zalābīya were also sold at food stands in the markets of the eastern Islamic world. Shakarbūra, however, is found only in Persian sources; and there is no sweetmeat in either the Arabic or Persian sources resembling qurṣ, Ḥalwā’ and ṭuṭumāj first appeared in the Arabic sources in the 13th century, which implies that the Chinese description of “huihui Shihp’in” 回回食品 was written around that time.Four of the five foods appearing in paraphrastic translation have their counterparts in the extant medieval Arabic cookbooks, and nothing resembling stuffed lung hêhsifei can be found.The reason why the recipes for “huihui shihp’in” 回回食品 do not call for the spices that were generally used in the Islamic world is because the Chüchia Piyung Shihlei was compiled for Han people who had no actual intention of cooking for Muslims or trying to obtain the rare spices in the original dishes. Rather, the description of Muslim food in the Chinese sources was provided for members of the Mongol ruling elite and Han bureaucrats and wealthy bourgeois who had found it necessary to know about Muslim cuisine in order to entertain highly ranked Muslims who came into their company, since most Chinese sources of the time reflect nothing but loathing for Muslims in general.Notwithstanding, the descriptions of “huihui shihp’in” 回回食品 do show relatively closer political and economic relationships between Muslims and the Chinese within the political and economic environment created under the Yüan Dynasty.

著者

原 實

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.3, pp.01-037(420~456), 1968-12

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The Kṣatriyas, ruling and military caste in ancient India, had the Kṣatradharma as their guiding principle to be observed. But what is meant by the Kṣatradharma as is seen in the epic literature of ancient India? Broadly speaking, it falls into two categories: the dharma of the ruling caste in peace and that of the military caste in war.The former, which is almost equal to the Râjadharma, is applied to the ruling of the people in accordance with right and justice (protection and punishment), the preservation of order in the age-honoured caste system, and the honouring of the Brahmins, their spiritual authority. The distinctive feature of the Kṣatriyas, however, consists in power, which is denoted by such Sanskrit words as bhuja-virya, vikrama, virya, tejas, ojas, and bala. It is by dint of this power that the ruling caste is relied upon by the people. Besides power, anger (manyu) and steadfastness (dhairya) are also said to be peculiar to the Kṣatriyas, while detection (glâni), perseverance (kṣamâ) and boastfulness (vikatthana) are qualities improper to them. The praise of power among the Kṣatriya warriors makes the nature of the Kṣatradharma violent (raudra), and thus they are styled razor-hearted. Even murder of their elders and teachers is justified in the name of the Kṣatradharma. From the reliance of power derives the spirit of non-begging as their attribute. Thus it is only through their exercise of power, namely by appealing to the sword, that they accept or take anything from others. This exercise of power justified by the Kṣatradharma distinguishes them from robbers. The violent and merciless aspect of the Kṣatradharma naturally calls forth repulsion not only among commoners but also among some of the Kṣatriya warriors, and hence a number of passages found in the epic literature condemning the Kṣatradharma.It is in time of war, however, that the essence of the Kṣatradharma is best illustrated. The Kṣatriyas are said to be the caste who live on weapons and battles. Engagement in battles is said to be their duty. They are required to do their best in fighting without the slightest regard to their life. In battle they are forced to choose either of the two ways: to kill enemy or to be killed by enemy. If they kill enemy they will gain land and fame. Even if they are killed by enemy they are promised attainment to Heaven. Accordingly, battle is said to be never fruitless as long as, of course, they fight bravely. To die on the battlefield, which is put in such figures of speech as to lie on the arrow-bed and to embrace their beloved (i. e., bhûmi, “earth”), is highly praiseworthy of the Kṣatriya warriors; but to die at home surrounded by their family and relatives is a disgrace to them. When they fan on the battlefield or are “purified by weapons” they will be received by the heavenly nymphs (apsaras) and immediately sent to Heaven, which is called in such varied names as svarga, vîra-loka, and brahma-loka. Thus widows of the fallen warriors feel jealous of the earth and the heavenly nymphs who are supposed to embrace their husband. There is yet another alternative, namely, to retreat from the battlefield. Retreat is considered highly condemnable, for it is nothing but abandoning ,the Kṣatradharma. It is against the Kṣatradharma. The destiny that awaits such cowardly warriors is but to fall into hell.

著者

原 實

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.2, pp.01-034(271~304), 1968-09

著者

大島 正二

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.2~4, pp.310-342, 1975-03

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The present paper is the report of a part of the investigation on the Chin-shu-yin-i (the Phonetic Glosses to the Chronide of the Chin Dynasty) by Ho Ch’ao 何超 (ca. 740 A. D.). This investigation forms a part of the writer’s main study on the phonology of Chinese of the T’ang Dynasty together with the previous studies of the writer on the phonetic glosses in the Han-shu 漢書, the Chi-chiu-p’ien 急就篇, and both the So-yin 索隠, and the Chêng-i 正義 Commentaries of the Shih-chi 史記 which were already published, including a study on the Hou-han-shu-yin-i 後漢書音義 (the Phonetic Glosses to the Chronicle of the Later Han Dynasty) which will appear soon.After having made clear the phonological peculiarities on the basis of the analysis of the phonetic glosses, the writer has pointed out in this paper that the Chin-shu-yin-i has incorporated some phonetic modifications which had been produced or were in progress during the T’ang Dynasty into the basic system of the Ch’ieh-yün 切韻 (601 A. D.) that is supposed to have remained as the authority of the reading of the Chinese characters throughout the reign of the T’ang Dynasty. Further,the writer corroborates his hypothesis that besides the norm of the Ch’ieh-yün another tradition of reading was maintained exclusively among the T’ang scholars (cf. S. ȎSHIMA, “A Phonological Study on the So-yin and the Chêng-i Commentaries to the Shih-chi”, the Tōyō Gakuhō Vol. 55, No. 3, 1972), since the phon6logical peculiarities reflected in the Chin-shu-yin-i are identical in nature with those found in the So-yin Commentary (between 719 and 736 A. D.) and the Chêng-i Commentary (736 A. D.), both of which were compiled practically at the same time as the Chin-shu-yin-yi was written. It can be added that the phonological peculiarities reflected in Yen Shih-ku 顔師古’s Han-shu-yin-i 漢書音義 (641 A. D.) and Chi-chiu p’ien-chu 急就篇注 (between 627 and 644 A. D.) support this supposition. (cf. S. ȎSHIMA, “A Study on the Finals of Yen Shih-ku’s Phonetic Glosses to the Han-shu”, the Gengo-Kenkyū, Vol. 59, 1971; S. ȎSHIMA, “A Study on the Phonetic Glosses in Yen Shih-ku’s Commentary on the Chi-chiu-p’ien”, the Memoirs of the Faculty of Letters of the Hokkaidō University, Vol. 22, No. 1, 1974).The writer also touches in this paper on the methodology of a phonetic history based on fragmentary sources like the phonetic glosses. According to the writer, aberrant readings appearing in fragmentary sources such as found in the phonetic glosses do not always reflect the results of real phonetic changes, but may show the traditional readings as they were orally transmitted from teachers to their disciples. Therefore, these two should be clearly distinguished for a careful observation. For the purpose, the writer believes, a comparative study between all the phonetic commentaries is necessary besides the “projection” method in the treatment of phonetic glosses in one phonetic commentary, (i. e. the method intended to find out divergences between the system of the Ch’ieh-yü and that of the phonetic commentary in question, by projecting the reading of a certain character on the system of the Ch’ieh-yün). The writer pays attention to this idea by citing concrete examples and waits for a further study in future.

著者

水谷 真成

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.4, pp.337-367, 1957-03

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Since Henri Maspero pointed out in his work published in 1920 the denasalization which took place in the Northern Chinese dialect during the T’ang period, the fact has been generally acknowledged. Still it is not clear how the denasalization proceeded and, therefore, the debate concerning the value of Initial ‘Jib’ (日) in the Ch’ieh-yün 切韻, whether it was pronounced as n’ or as n’z’, has continued without any convincing evidence.Having examined the phenomenon in various dhāranīs written at the end of the Sui Dynasty or at the beginning of the T’ang Dynasty and in the Ta-t’ang His-yü-chi (大唐西域記), the writer has found the following points:(1) This tendency of denasalization had already extended to the dialect of Lo-yang 洛陽 between the periods of Sui and T’ang. It seems to have begun to appear in the Ch’ang-an 長安 dialect not long before that period.(2) This tendency was commenced first in the narrowing of Initial Jih and gradually expanded to other points of articulation.(3) The denazalition first appeared in words having no nasal final and affected also those ending in nasals at the beginning of the 8th century.Parallel with this new tendency the older transcription was maintained. Finally, it has been made clear that the unbalance in the speed of phonetic change continued for a considerable length of time.

著者

張 志雲 姜 水謡

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.1, pp.01-028, 2021-06-30

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The Inspector-General (IG) of the Wang Jingwei government’s Maritime Customs Service, Kishimoto Hirokichi 岸本廣吉, was one of the most outstanding employees in the history of the Chinese Maritime Customs Service. He had the third longest years of service after Robert Hart and Frederick Maze among all the IGs and held the post of Chief Secretary for more than nine years, the longest term in history. His career demonstrated that an East Asian could be as successful as a Westerner in the Chinese maritime customs even before the Second Sino-Japanese War. During the ‘Solitary Island’ period of Shanghai, Kishimoto collaborated with Frederick Maze, the British IG at that time, for securing the integrity of the customs service. Having taken office as IG, Kishimoto initiated a series of reforms to the Wang Jingwei government’s custom houses in the middle and lower Yangtze plains. The biggest challenges he had to stand up to were brought by the Northern Political Council in North China and the Japanese army in South China, both of which acted virtually independently. He managed, however, to maintain the status quo of the Wang Jingwei government’s customs service until the end of the Second World War by using his best endeavours. Kishimoto paid off 1001 Japanese employees during the final days but failed to do same for the other nationals. The present article will illustrate how Kishimoto, as the Japanese head of the British dominated Chinese institution, displayed his political flair in balancing the power of employees from the three countries and how he combined his own national identity and his sympathy to China.