著者
鈴木 真
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.83, no.3, pp.319-348, 2001-12

This article analyzes fiscal problems existing before and after the enthronement of Emperor Yongzheng 雍正帝, taking the cases of auditing the silver reserves of the Board of Revenue and its deficits. Then, the author clarifies the relationship between regulations concerning corruption by the bureaucracy concerned with the fiscal affairs and the establishment of Imperial power.Emperor Yongzheng, who was well informed about fiscal corruption, intended to grapple with reform as soon as he ascended the throne.The establishment of Imperial power and taking hold of the empire's purse strings were indivisible. Solving of the silver reserve deficit was an immediate problem.Yongzheng ordered Yi Qinwang 恰親王 and Boldo, who had been his advisors since he was a prince, to audit the silver reserves of the Board of Revenue. Consequently, it was found in the silver deficit amounted to two million six hundred thousand liang.Yongzheng ordered former members of the Board to compensate the deficit. However, there were some bureaucrats who did not comply. They were Manchu bannermen. This fact suggests that the substance of the deficit did not involve simple illegal acts by bureaucrats but it was related to Manchu bannermen.From such a viewpoint, the author clarifies the background of the deficit caused by Board member Hifene and a clerical official of the Reserves, Zeng Dengyun 曽登雲, in order to detail the embezzlement.Emperor Kangxi 康煕帝's princes participated in both cases. Especially in the case of Zeng Dengyun, fiscal administration was affected by the embezzlements caused by vertical relationships among the Eight Banners, between banner princes and banner bureaucrats, and their bondservants, or between banner bureaucrats and their employees.Therefore, Yongzheng, who intended to establish his power, had to carry out reform immediately after his enthronement. Furthermore, the fact Yongzheng appointed followers under his influence to the bureaucracy and tried to resolve the fiscal problems suggests a necessity to understand the fiscal history of the Qing dynasty in terms of the influence of the Eight Banners.
著者
バレット トーマス
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.100, no.3, pp.59-93, 2018-12

The Qing’s fledgling diplomatic system in the late 19th century was supported both domestically and abroad by Westerners employed as diplomatic staff in its legations and consulates; as auxiliary advisors primarily outsourced from the Imperial Maritime Customs Service on an ad-hoc basis by provincial governors; and by Robert Hart, Inspector General of the Imperial Maritime Customs Service. However, scholars have yet to provide an in-depth analysis of the role and significance of the Western staff in the Qing’s legations and consulates. In order to begin to clarify the role of such individuals, this paper analyses the function of Halliday Macartney, a Scotsman who served as Counsellor to the Qing Legation in London, in informal negotiations during the Sino-French War which were overseen by his direct superior Zeng Jize, the then incumbent Qing Minister to Britain and Russia. Past studies have typically portrayed Zeng’s diplomacy as a singlehanded effort, and have failed to recognise the contributions of Macartney. This author demonstrates how, in the case of Zeng’s diplomacy during the Sino-French War, while ultimate accountability lay with Zeng, Macartney was responsible for: (1) overseeing informal negotiations with agents of the French government; (2) acting as go-between for the Qing Legation with the British Foreign Office when attempting to elicit both formal and informal British assistance; and (3) drawing up all treaty drafts produced by the Qing London Legation in this period. Moreover, this paper demonstrates how Macartney’s bicultural identity and bicultural understanding benefited the Qing side in these negotiations. It argues that Macartney’s social standing within European society, and the concomitant personal networks it enabled, helped to initiate the informal negotiations referred to above. It further demonstrates how Macartney’s multilingual talents and familiarity with both traditional Chinese and Westphalian systems of interstate relations enabled him, in a last-ditch attempt at achieving rapprochement between the two parties, to clarify for the French side the enigmatic demands of the Qing relating to a purely nominal acceptance of the continuation of the ‘suzerain-vassal’ relationship between China and Vietnam, after accepting French sovereignty over Vietnam. The author concludes that Zeng’s diplomacy ought to be interpreted in light of these contributions by Macartney.
著者
黒岩 高
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.86, no.3, pp.421-455, 2004-12

The Muslim rebellion that arose in Northwest China between 1862 and 1878 is one of the most momentous series of events in Chinese Muslim history. Although it has mostly attracted attention as a symbol of the century of revolt, regional differences within the rebellion has yet to be sufficiently argued. By focusing on the rebellion’s local character, this paper aims to offer a new perspective on the rebellion itself, proposing an approach for correlating regional characteristics with the religious basis of the Chinese Muslim society. This paper focuses on the areas of Shangxi and Gansu, for each shows distinctive regional differences. Through an examination of the roles played by rebellion leaders in each region regarding the maintenance of local social order, the following can be conceived.The Muslim society of Shangxi was characterized by Xue (学), based on a tradition of Islamic Holy scripture scholarship. And the recognition of Ahongs, the leaders of the community, was grounded in an understanding of scripture with concerns exclusively on sustaining the ethical standard of their own community. Therefore, they did not participate in the non-Muslim social order and had no intent to coordinate cooperation with other communitiesOn the other hand, the Menhuan shaykhs of Gansu formed networks within a fluid Jiao (教) society; and out of a necessity to manage their community alliances, they took authority over various mundane matters and leaned towards regional integration. In addition, local administrators hoped to take advantage of them and set the conditions under which they would become the leaders within the local order.It is hardly a coincidence that the local aspects of Muslim society produced a rebellion in Xue Muslim society that was rather separatist, while producing an uprising with characteristics tending towards regional integration in Jiao Muslim society. Thus, it can be said that the rebellions in Shangxi and Gansu possessed different relevance, each reflecting local circumstances. In this respect, what has been said about unity and solidarity within rebellions should be at least questioned in the future study of them.
著者
鈴木 真
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.83, no.3, pp.319-348, 2001-12

This article analyzes fiscal problems existing before and after the enthronement of Emperor Yongzheng 雍正帝, taking the cases of auditing the silver reserves of the Board of Revenue and its deficits. Then, the author clarifies the relationship between regulations concerning corruption by the bureaucracy concerned with the fiscal affairs and the establishment of Imperial power.Emperor Yongzheng, who was well informed about fiscal corruption, intended to grapple with reform as soon as he ascended the throne.The establishment of Imperial power and taking hold of the empire’s purse strings were indivisible. Solving of the silver reserve deficit was an immediate problem.Yongzheng ordered Yi Qinwang 恰親王 and Boldo, who had been his advisors since he was a prince, to audit the silver reserves of the Board of Revenue. Consequently, it was found in the silver deficit amounted to two million six hundred thousand liang.Yongzheng ordered former members of the Board to compensate the deficit. However, there were some bureaucrats who did not comply. They were Manchu bannermen. This fact suggests that the substance of the deficit did not involve simple illegal acts by bureaucrats but it was related to Manchu bannermen.From such a viewpoint, the author clarifies the background of the deficit caused by Board member Hifene and a clerical official of the Reserves, Zeng Dengyun 曽登雲, in order to detail the embezzlement.Emperor Kangxi 康煕帝’s princes participated in both cases. Especially in the case of Zeng Dengyun, fiscal administration was affected by the embezzlements caused by vertical relationships among the Eight Banners, between banner princes and banner bureaucrats, and their bondservants, or between banner bureaucrats and their employees.Therefore, Yongzheng, who intended to establish his power, had to carry out reform immediately after his enthronement. Furthermore, the fact Yongzheng appointed followers under his influence to the bureaucracy and tried to resolve the fiscal problems suggests a necessity to understand the fiscal history of the Qing dynasty in terms of the influence of the Eight Banners.
著者
柳谷 あゆみ
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.99, no.1, pp.01-017, 2017-06

Tārīkh al-dawla al-Atābakīya mulūk al-Mawṣil li-Ibn al-Athīr (Ms. ARABE 1898, Paris) is the only extant manuscript recognized as Ibn al-Athīr’s dynastic history titled al-Tārīkh al-bāhir fi al-dawla al-Atābakīya. Based on this manuscript De Slane published a revised edition in 1876, and then in 1963 Ṭulaymāt published a newly revised edition. Currently the latter is mainly utilized for research as an improved version of De Slane’s edition. In his work, Ṭulaymāt improved the technical inadequacy of De Slane’s edition and refuted (or ignored) De Slane’s claim of the existence of additions to the manuscript in later eras. Focusing on this point, the author of this article examined the descriptions of the manuscript and compared the two editions based on the same manuscript to make clear its contents and the later additions. For verification, since no other manuscript of al-Bāhir has been found, the author utilized as comparative materials two historical texts, Abū Shāma’s Kitāb al-Rawḍatayn and Ibn Qādī Shuhba’s al-Kawākib al-Durrīya, which include many quotations from al-Bāhir. As a result of the close examination, the author selected for detailed textual criticism two chapters, Chap. 97 and Chap. 133, which were suspected of being added to the original text in a later era. Chap. 97 is the chapter which De Slane had considered it as an addition, while Ṭulaymāt did not. The author examined the description and confirmed the authenticity of De Slane’s argument. As for Chap. 133, to which both editors paid no particular attention, the author pointed that its description was possibly not from Ibn al-Athīr’s text, but added from Abū Shāma’s text, by comparing the texts and checking the word “qultu” (= I said) in the texts, which indicated the description was not a quotation.As a result of the examination, the author concluded that the manuscript was supposed to contain some complements from the descriptions which were left in the form of citations by other historical materials which have gone missing.
著者
辻 大地
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.98, no.4, pp.01-025, 2017-03

While it is commonly known that sexual and love relations between men in pre-modern society, including that of the ‘Abbāsid Period, were widespread, most of the historical research to date has regarded such relations as synonymous with modern concepts of “homosexuality.” In addition, historians tend to be of the opinion that what may be called the “essentialist” concept of “Islamic homosexuality” has been embraced consistently regardless of time or place, when trying to understand male-male sexual relationships of various places and different periods. In recent years more and more research is being done that reexamines these conventional views. In particular, the research on the Ottoman Period has begun to relocate male-male sexual relationships within the context of sexuality as a whole. Unfortunately, the ‘Abbāsid period has yet to be so reconsidered, mainly due to a paucity of historical sources regarding sexuality during that time. Given such circumstances, the present article is an attempt to show one facet of sexuality at the time, through a consideration of male-male sexual relationships in the ‘Abbāsid period. For this purpose, the author conducts an analysis of the discourse presented in the al-Jāḥiẓ’s Kitāb Mufākhara al-Jawārī wa al-Ghilmān (The Book of the Boasting Match between Girls and Boys) which is almost the only historical material written dealing explicitly with the subject of sexuality. The analysis shows that there was a distinction between “adult males” and “non adult-males,” including not only females but boys, adolescents and so on, with respect to sexual relationships. Moreover, this distinction seems to correspond to a distinction between active and passive roles in sexual intercourse. The author concludes that sexual relationships at the time were based not on modern binary sexual categories of male and female, but rather on a different category fluctuating between “adult males” and “non adult-males.”
著者
尾崎 貴久子
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.88, no.3, pp.336-364, 2006-12

There are twelve food names and simple recipes for each under the heading “huihui shihp’in” 回回食品 in the Chücia Piyung Shihlei, seven of which are transliterated into Chinese characters from their original languages Arabic, Persian or Turkish. There is the Persian sweetmeat, shakarbūra, the Turkish pasta dish, ṭuṭumāj, the Arabic flour porridge, harīsa and four Arabic sweetmeats, fālūdhaj, ḥalwā’, qurṣ zalābīya. Thc other five names are paraphrastic translations appearing as Chinese ideographs: samosa (chüanchienping), rice porridge (kaomi), sweet and sour meat stew (suant’ang), savory bottled custard (hailossŭ), and stuffed lung (hêhsifei).According to the Arabic sources regarding the seven transliterated foods, five (other than shakarbūra and qurṣ) were popular and well-known throughout the Islamic world during the 13th century and were often served at parties and on festival days. Harīsa, fālūdhaj, ḥalwā’ and zalābīya were also sold at food stands in the markets of the eastern Islamic world. Shakarbūra, however, is found only in Persian sources; and there is no sweetmeat in either the Arabic or Persian sources resembling qurṣ, Ḥalwā’ and ṭuṭumāj first appeared in the Arabic sources in the 13th century, which implies that the Chinese description of “huihui Shihp’in” 回回食品 was written around that time.Four of the five foods appearing in paraphrastic translation have their counterparts in the extant medieval Arabic cookbooks, and nothing resembling stuffed lung hêhsifei can be found.The reason why the recipes for “huihui shihp’in” 回回食品 do not call for the spices that were generally used in the Islamic world is because the Chüchia Piyung Shihlei was compiled for Han people who had no actual intention of cooking for Muslims or trying to obtain the rare spices in the original dishes. Rather, the description of Muslim food in the Chinese sources was provided for members of the Mongol ruling elite and Han bureaucrats and wealthy bourgeois who had found it necessary to know about Muslim cuisine in order to entertain highly ranked Muslims who came into their company, since most Chinese sources of the time reflect nothing but loathing for Muslims in general.Notwithstanding, the descriptions of “huihui shihp’in” 回回食品 do show relatively closer political and economic relationships between Muslims and the Chinese within the political and economic environment created under the Yüan Dynasty.
著者
八木 啓俊
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.102, no.2, pp.01-028, 2020-09-17

Due to a dearth of historiographical sources, the analysis of local potentates under the Timurid Dynasty (1370–1507) has been lacking. In the present article, the author takes up the case of one of those potentates, the Mar'ashīs, who set up a Sayyid political regime in the region of Mazandaran on the Caspian Sea in present day northern Iran and compares it with the Badakhshān regime, based on the Timurid chronicles and a local histoty entitled, Tārīkh-i Tabaristān wa Rūyān wa Māzandarān. After his conquest of Māzandarān, Tīmūr (r. 1370–1402) appointed two military figures based in Khurāsān as the governors (dārūgha) of Sārī and Āmul. However, since both dārūghas continued to maintain relations with their bases, Tīmūr attempted to limit their power by demanding military service and political hostages. When the dārūghas rebelled, the Timurids switched to indirect control over Mazandaran through the Mar'ashīs. With the establishment of the 'Alī Sārī regime in 1411/12, the Timurids ordered the Mar'ashīs to submit taxes, although at that point in time Māzandarān was still attempting to recover from the Timurid invasion and thus in no financial position to take on additional tax burdens. After the death of 'Alī Sārī in 1418, the Timurids took advantage of the resulting conflict and division among the Mar'ashīs to raise silk taxes through the promises of local rule to the highest bidder, who turned out to be Murtad ̣ ā. Then provisions pertaining to the taxation of Māzandarān were determined, and these rules would be followed by all succeeding amirs of the Timurid Dynasty. While the Timurid authorities did grant the Mar'ashīs a certain amount of autonomy regarding the administration of their regime and religious affairs, tax collection never wavered on the crucial economic resource of Māzandarān silk. In his comparison of Māzandarān and Badakhshān governance, the author finds similarities between the two concerning frequency of taxation, destinations of taxation, dispatch of tax collectors and military service, while noting a difference in the political status enjoyed by the two regimes at the Timurid court, stemming from the fact of the Badakhshan regime being formed later than the Mar'ashīs', thus resulting in the former's lower status.
著者
細谷 良夫
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.51, no.1, pp.1-43, 1968-06

‘The Eight Banner organization is usually understood to be a part of the bureaucratic mechanism under the powerful control by the emperor, that is, a military and administrative institution. In the period from the end of the sixteenth century to the Manchu conquest of China in the early seventeenth century, however, the Eight Banners were the state organization of the Manchus based upon their tribal community system. To speak in a more abstract way, each prince of imperial blood was lord of his banner/banners or arrows (niru), subordinate units of a banner. In other words, the Eight Banners were a group of organizations of feudal control by the banner princes, not to be regarded as a bureaucratic system under a single control by the emperor. When we examine the Eight Banners between 1644 and 1722 based upon the above facts, the banner princes are found still enjoying possession of their own banners or arrows, while the emperor apparently did not governed all of the banners and arrows. Furthermore, the control of banners by the banner princes seems to have been of a nature threating to undermine the power of the emperor. The Eight Banners thus continued to be an organization of feudal control, which was later transformed into a bureaucratic system by a series of reforms made in the reign of Emperor Yung-cheng, 1723-1735.
著者
深川 真樹
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.95, no.1, pp.1-32, 2013-06
著者
深川 真樹
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.96, no.4, pp.1-30, 2015-03

There have been for some time various views concerning on what date the Confucian thinker Dong Zhongshu submitted his answer papers.No matter how trivial the question may seem at face value, it is, however, related to the very important issue of whether or not the ideas of Dong Zhongshu genuinely influenced the link that was established between the Han imperial court and Confucian thought, known as “establishment of Confucianism as state religion,” and if so, how.Concerning the Hanshu’s 漢書 account of the three examination questions (zhice 制策) posed by Emperor Wu and the three outstanding answers (duice 對策) to them submitted by Dong Zhongshu, there is the opinion that they were actually posed and submitted in the order described by the chronicle.However, this way of thinking poses a problem in that the context and content of the second Q & A exchange is closely connected to exactly what year Dong Zhongshu submitted his answer.From an investigation of the content of the examination, the author concludes that a 2nd-1st-3rd series of questions and answers is much more likely to have been the actual sequence of the examination.Unconvinced by the various explanations that have been offered so far as to the date of the examination, the author proceeds to reexamine the problem, concluding that the examinations were submitted three successive times in the period between the6th month of the 6th year of the Jianyuan 建元 Era and the 10th month of the next year.Furthermore, although it is generally believed that the post to which Dong Zhongshu was appointed after his examination was as an administrator (xiang 相) in Jiangdu 江都, the author shows that in fact he was granted the bureaucratic rank of zhongdafu 中大夫.The author is also of the opinion that the local civil service examination subject of xiaolian 孝廉, regarding filial piety, very likely “originated from Dong Zhonshu.The decisive moment in establishing the link between the Han imperial court and Confucian thought was the acceptance and implementation by Emperor Wu of institutions intellectually based on Dong Zongshu’s ideas about state ideology.Therefore, the raison d’être of the monarch as to governing based on moral guidance in accordance with the will of heaven was enthusiastically adopted; and imperial rule soon assumed, in the guise of 10th Han Emperor Yuan, leadership based solely on Confucian ideas.
著者
付 晨晨
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.101, no.2, pp.1-30, 2019-09

The origins and earliest history of the Leishu 類書 genre of encyclopedias quoting passages from earlier literary erudition on selected themes, and thus expressing the worldview and scope of knowledge of the compilers, is not yet fully understood, due to the fact that almost all Leishu compiled before the Sui 隋 and Tang 唐 periods have been scattered and/or lost. A recent important study has shown that the earliest Leishu could be categorized into two types based on their content: those of the Southern Dynasties (南朝) and those of the Northern Dynasties (北朝); however, disagreement still remains among scholars over such issues as the order and collation style of the items contained in the earliest works. This article, accordingly, analyses the characteristics of the early genre based on a critique of the research to date, in order to place the historical development of the Leishu within the context of the history of scholarly inquiry between the Han and Tang Periods. After re-confirming that the passages quoted in the remaining fragments of Xiuwendian Yulan 修文殿御覽, compiled by the Northern Qi (北齊) Dynasty were arranged according to the four traditional literary categories of Jing-Shi-Zi-Ji 經史子集, the author shows that the citations of Hualin Bianlüe 華林遍略, compiled by the Liang 梁 Dynasty, did not, as already known, conform to that order, but rather one in accordance with the three categories of “Zishu 字書 (Chinese dictionary)-Jing 經-other books (listed in chronological order).” In view of the fact that Dunhuang Document P.2326, while not Hualin Bianlüe, but also compiled by the Southern Dynasties, are arranged in this same latter order (with no chronological order for “other”), such a structure should be regarded as the standard by which the Leishu from the Southern Dynasties were compiled; and was strongly influenced by the development of the art of annotation-commentary on the Jing, Shi and Ji genres from the Han Dynasty on. So it does not follow that the Leishu genre always presented comprehensive surveys of the all the Jing-Shi-Zi-Ji works from the start, but rather with both changing styles of erudition and historical consciousness, Leishu gradually came to cite works from a more and more diverse number of themes, topics and sources. The author concludes that the Leishu compiled in the Southern Dynasties, were not convenient reference books for writing poems, but rather encyclopedias for understanding the worldviews of ancient literature, developing in close connection with the growth of scholarship, in general, and historical consciousness, in particular, from the Han Period on.
著者
佐藤 次高
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.71, no.1・2, pp.115-139, 1989-12

On 17 Dhû a1-Hijja 717 A.H./20 February 1318 A.D., a man appeared at Qirtiyâwus in the Syrian province of Jabala and called himself Muhammad b a1-Hasan al-Mahdî. Three thousand of al-Nusayrîs immediately assembled around him asserting the deity of Alî b. Abî Tâlib. They proclaimed publicly the abolition of both prayer (salât) and abstinence from drink, and then attacked the Muslims of Jabala in public prayer. Among the rebels was included a youth named “Ibrâhîm b. Adham”, a popular sûfî saint who died in Jabala in the latter half of the 8th century. Received the news of their revolt, amir Shihâb al-Dîn Qirtây, governor of Tripoli, despatched 1,000 cavalries under the command of his three Mamlûk amirs. On Dhû al-Hijja/25 February they battled with al-Nusayrîs and succeeded easily in suppressing the revolt after they killed 120 rebels including al-Mahdî.According to the contemporary sources such as al-Nuwayrî’s Nihâya al-Arab and Ibn Battûta’s Rihla, the revolt was clearly against the religious policy of the Mamluk government toward al-Nusayrîs. In 1317 Sultan al-Nâsir (1293-94, 1299-1309, 1310-41) carried out the cadastral survey (rawk) in the province of Tripoli including Jabala and ordered al-Nusayrîs to construct mosque (masjid) in each village. Then he prohibited them strictly from holding the initiation called “khitâb” in which new participants are granted the secret creeds peculiar to al-Nusayrîs. Al-Maqrîzî (d. 1442) explains that they believe Alî’s deity and insist the idea of heaven and hell to be denied. The sunnî ulamâ’ in the Mamluk period regarded al-Nusayrî’s belief as infidel and estimated them inferior even to the Christians and Jews. We find its example in the fatwâ of Ibn Taymîya which was delivered at the revolt of a1-Nusayrîs in 1318.
著者
小笠原 弘幸
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.90, no.1, pp.86-112, 2008-06

Ottoman historians often claimed the existence of a close relationship between the Ottoman Empire and the Seljuk Dynasty, although no reliable contemporary source can show this relationship to be based on historical fact. Nevertheless, these accounts of such a relationship were of value because they provided legitimacy for Ottoman empire rule. The purpose of this article is to investigate how the Ottoman historians of the 15th and 16th centuries went about narrating this pseudo-genealogical relationship.During the 15th century, Ottoman historians stressed the Oğuz origins common to the Ottoman Empire and Seljuk Dynasty (see Yazıcıoğlu, Kemâl and Neşrî), and even invented a marriage between the Ottoman ancestor and the Seljuk royal family (see Enverî, Râdvûn and Ebû’l-heyr). These accounts worked as a means of legitimizing Ottoman rule in 15th century Anatolia, where many Turkish emirates claimed to be successors of the Seljuks.However, the narrative concerning the Seljuks drastically changed during the 16th century, with no Ottoman historian writing about the above-mentioned marriage and only a few (Bitlîsî, Nasûh and Lokmân) regarding the Seljuk Dynasty as Oğuz in origin. The most popularly supported non-Oğuz origin was Afrasiyab, the legendary Turkish king of Shāhnāme (see Bitlîsî, Küçük Nişancı and Lokmân), who was generally favored among such Persian historians as Mustawfī. Another possible ancestor was the Prophet Abraham (see Zaʻîm, Abû’l-ʻAbbâs), although no non-Ottoman historian ever mentioned any Abrahamic origins regarding the Seljuks. Some of the sources argued that the Turks originated from Abraham, however(see Jāhiz, Ibn ʻInaba).The author concludes from this examination that the change of narrative between the two centuries in question was caused by two factors: the political situation and historiographical trends. During the 16th century, the legitimizing force of the Seljuks was deemphasized, as the Ottoman Empire developed beyond the former territories of the Rum Seljuks and came under the stronger influence of Persian historiography.
著者
仁井田 陞
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.27, no.4, pp.602-620, 1952-04
著者
護 雅夫
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.1, pp.49-79, 1965-06

The present writer points out that some passages in a memorial presented to Yang-ti by Ch’i-min-qaγan in 607 bear striking similarity to the T’u-chüeh inscriptions as regards to their phraseology, and concludes that the Chinese texts are translations from the Turkic (T’u-chüeh).1) In the memorial, we read: “Among the populace of T’u-chüeh, those who did not die came together again and became the populace.” Such expression is not common in Chinese. On the other hand, in the inscriptions are found the following examples: “il ymä il boldï, budun ymä budun boldï. (The state also became the state. The populace also became the populace.)”, “ičikigmä ičikdi, budun boldï. ölügmä ölti. (Those who surrendered surrendered and became the populace. Those who died died.)”, “ïda tašda qalmïšï qubranïp yiti yüz boldï. (Those who remained at wood and stone (?) came together and made seven hundred.)”, etc. The above-cited passage in the memorial may be reflections from such a Turkic expression as: “ölügmä ölti, anda qalmïšï qubranïp budun boldï.”2, We read in the memorial: (A) “Your Majesty the Emperor,…… grasping the four directions of the whole country, took the seat (of the Emperor)”, and (B) “The Sage, the preceding Emperor,…… let me take the seat as the Great Qaγan.” In these passages, any accession to a throne is expressed by the word “坐” (to sit down, to take a seat)”. This word “坐” coincides with the Turkic word “olur- (to sit down, to take a seat)” which means “to accede to a throne”. The Turkic expression “özümin ol täŋri qaγan olurtdï ärinč (That Heaven had let me take the seat as the Qaγan)” may be prototype of the above-cited Chinese passage (B). Moreover, in the inscriptions are such expressions as “tört buluŋdaqï budunuγ qop almïš (He grasped the whole people in the four angles (directions))”, etc. We may assume this Turkic expression to be prototype of the Chinese phrase, “grasping the four directions of the whole country”.3) Ch’i-min-qaγan expresses his gratitude to Yang-ti that the preceding Emperor and Yang-ti nourished and revived (養活) himself and the populace of T’u-chüeh. In the inscriptions, the deeds of “igid-” and “tirgür-” of qaγans and tigin are highly praised. The word “tirgür-” means “to revive, to restore to life”. The word “igid-” in the inscriptions have been translated as “to raise, to elevate, to restore”. But, this word means “to nourish, to educate, to bring up, to cultivate” originally. Thus, the Turkic “igid-” and “tirgür-” coincide with the Chinese expression “nourish and revive” in the memorial.4) In the memorial is a passage saying: “When I looked up, I saw only Heaven. When I looked down, I saw only Earth.” It is not improbable that such view of the world was introduced from China. But, as is seen in the inscriptions and other Chinese sources, T’u-chüeh worshipped Heaven, Earth and Water originally. Moreover, there are such expressions in the inscriptions as follows: “üzä kök täŋri, asra yaγïz yir (the blue Heaven over (us) and the black Earth under (us))”, “üzä täŋri asra yir (Heaven over (us) and Earth under (us))”, etc. In the light of such expressions, one feels that the above-cited Chinese passage must have been composed under Turkic influence.
著者
五十嵐 大介
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.91, no.1, pp.75-102, 2009-06

During the Mamluk period, powerful figures, especially the Mamluk military aristocracy, began to convert their private property into waqfs (Islamic religious endowments) for the purpose of securing the endowers’ private sources of revenue. The growth of the so-called “self-benefiting” waqf, that is、 a waqf earmarked for the endowers themselves as the main beneficiaries of the revenue earned from the waqf, reflected such circumstances. This article attempts to show the realities behind the “self-benefiting waqf,” examining 1) the ways by which endowers could include themselves as waqf’s beneficiaries, 2) the social stratum of such endowers, 3) the size of the waqfs in question, and 4) stipulations providing for beneficiaries after the death of the endowers contained in waqf deeds.Theoretically, the three schools of Islamic law, except the Hanafi school, denied the legitimacy of the “self-benefiting waqf,” however, in reality, the practice became widespread in both Mamluk Egypt and Syria. There were three methods by which waqf endowers could include themselves as beneficiaries. The first was to expend all earnings from the waqf’s assets on the endower himself; the second was to expend the surplus from waqf earnings after expenditures on the maintenance of waqf-financed religious or educational institutions, salaries and other compensation for the staff, etc; and the third was to divide waqf earnings between the endower and his charitable activities.Among the three methods, the first was the most popular, no doubt because it was a way by which the endower could benefit most directly from his waqf. In this ease, anyone who donated his private property as waqf, which involved the abandonment of all rights of ownership over it, could, nevertheless, continue to oversee the endowed property and pay himself compensation as the waqf’s controller (nazir). It can be said that there was no change in the de facto relationship between the property and its “ex”-owner before and after the endowment was made. In short, the “self-benefiting waqf” of this type could be seen as a way of securing the actual “possession” of one’s estate against such emergency circumstances as sudden political upheavals, sudden death by natural disaster, outbreak of war, or political intrigue, situations under which the subsequent confiscation of property could have occurred at any moment.