著者
澤井 真代
出版者
国立歴史民俗博物館
雑誌
国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.142, pp.443-471[含 英語文要旨], 2008-03

琉球諸島において集落単位の儀礼を中心的に担うノロやツカサといった女性神役は従来、神に祈り儀礼に奉仕するのみの存在と見なされる傾向があったが、一九八〇年代以降、神と交感する能力を豊かに有する女性神役の事例が報告され、従来の女性神役像が拡大された。ただ、琉球諸島の女性神役をめぐる問題は、神との交感に収斂する事柄にとどまらないことも次第に明らかにされつつある。一九八〇年代以降にとられるようになった、個々の神役の生活史や神観念に接近する方法により、神役の職能をめぐる様々な問題を明らかにし、琉球諸島の女性神役の多様なあり方を提示することを目指しつつ、本稿では石垣島川平における女性神役「ツカサ(司)」の就任過程と、ツカサの祈願方法の中核にあると言い得る唱え言「カンフツ(神口)」について報告する。川平では、集落の四つの拝所「オン(御嶽)」のそれぞれに一人ずつ、全部で四人のツカサが儀礼における祈願を担っている。ツカサは各オンの由来に深く関わる家に父系でつながる女性から選ばれるのが基本で、候補者が複数の場合、近年は神籤により一人のツカサが選ばれる。神役選出の籤については従来、近年に導入された合理的方法という見方がされてきたが、籤に参加する女性たちは、神籤の場で経験した不可思議な出来事をしばしば語り、籤の場を神の力のはたらく場と捉えている点が着目される。選出された女性は、就任儀礼「ヤマダキ」を経て、年間の儀礼に携わる。日頃から各オンの管理の任にあたる「カンムトゥヤー(神元家)」と呼ばれる家があるが、ヤマダキにおいて新任のツカサは、このカンムトゥヤーの一室に三日三晩籠り、その間、通ってくる前任のツカサや他のツカサから年間の儀礼の意味合いや各儀礼で唱えるカンフツについて教えられ続ける。ツカサの唱え言カンフツは、その習得が四人のツカサのみに厳しく限られており、儀礼の場で唱えられる時もツカサ以外の人には聞き知られないようになっているが、ツカサ四人の間では「カンフツツラシ」という唱え合わせの機会が定期的にもたれ、把握する文言や内容の統一がはかられている。カンフツは、変えてはならないとされるその形式が重視される一方で、儀礼目的や祈願内容といった意味を具体的に神に伝えるというはたらきがより重視されている。そうしたカンフツの意味には、ツカサ四人での間で教授される意味のほかに、ツカサ一人一人が考えながら習得していく意味もある。新任のツカサは儀礼での実践を積みながら何年もかけてカンフツの形式と意味を身につけていくが、その習得過程については今後さらに調査と考察を行なう必要がある。The duties of priestesses called noro and tsukasa who fulfill central roles in village rituals in the Ryukyu Islands had been regarded as consisting only of praying to kami and performing rituals. However, since the 1980s the conventional image of priestesses has widened as a result of reported cases of priestesses possessing ample skills in communicating with kami. It has gradually become clear, however, that there is more to this matter involving priestesses from the Ryukyu Islands than their communication with kami. Access to the life histories of priestesses and religious ideologies since the 1980s has raised various questions surrounding the function of priestesses. With the aim of presenting the diverse nature of priestesses in the Ryukyu Islands, this paper discusses the inauguration process for priestesses, who in Kabira, Ishigaki Island are called tsukasa, and chants called "kanfutsu," which lie at the core of the method of prayer adopted by tsukasa.In Kabira, one tsukasa is responsible for prayers during rituals at each of the village's four places of worship called "on," making a total of four tsukasa. In principle, women selected as tsukasa have paternal links to a family closely associated with the origin of each of the on. In cases where there is more than one candidate, the recent custom has been to select the tsukasa by drawing lots. Although selection by means of the drawing of lots is considered a practical method introduced recently, the women who participate in this process tell of frequent mysterious experiences at such times and believe the drawing of lots to be the work of kami. The successful candidate performs rituals throughout the year having undertaken an inauguration ceremony called "Yamadaki." Usually, there is a family referred to as the "Kanmutuya" that is responsible for each on. During the Yamadaki, the newly appointed tsukasa is confined in one of the Kanmutuya's rooms for three days and three nights, during which time her predecessor or other tsukasa visit her to teach her the significance of the annual rituals and the kanfutsu chanted at each ritual.The learning of kanfutsu is restricted to the four tsukasa. When chants are made during a ritual they are performed so that they cannot be heard by anyone else. Regular opportunities are made for the four tsukasa to chant together in what is called "kanfutsu tsurashi." The aim of this practice is to standardize the language and content. While it is important that the format of the kanfutsu remains intact, more importance is attached to the purpose of a ritual and the meaning of the prayer to be said to kami. In addition to the meaning of the kanfutsu taught among the four tsukasa, kanfutsu also acquire a meaning which is thought up by each tsukasa on her own. A newly appointed tsukasa spends years acquiring practical experience in performing rituals and becoming proficient in the formats and meanings of kanfutsu. The acquisition of this skill requires further investigation and discussion.
著者
澤井 真
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.53, no.2, pp.115-132, 2011-03-31 (Released:2014-04-02)

The aim of this paper is to consider Junayd’s theory concerning the “primordial covenant” (Q7: 172) through an analysis of the concepts of “fanā'” (annihilation) and “baqā'” (subsistence) in his writings. In early Sufism (Islamic Mysticism), Junayd and other ṣūfis referred to this verse in the Qur'ān, because it represents the ideal relationship between Allāh and human beings. Before human beings in their pre-existence made a contract known as the “primordial covenant,” they had been unified with Allāh. According to Junayd, this situation is “eternity without begining” (azal); the term “fanā'” is used to explain that human beings melt into Allāh, and is used to show that this condition continues. In order to achieve this ideal condition, there are three stages of “fanā'” and four stages of “tawḥīd.” On the one hand, the term “fanā'” means to annihilate the self, by removing its attributes and feelings. On the other hand, “tawḥīd” (unity), which only the “elite” can achieve, is regarded as the ultimate level. At this level, the human, who is “like a shadow,” is annihilated by the response made in the primordial contract. When ]unayd discusses this situation, he talks about the human unification with God in this world, and at the same time about the ideal condition in the pre-existence. In Junayd’s theory of Sufism, the primordial covenant is one of the hid den tools for understanding the ontologically ultimate condition of human beings. This means that “fanā'” (annihilation) and “baqā'” are concepts of multiple meanings which enable one to achieve this condition.