648 13 0 0 OA ジャムシード王

著者
井本 英一
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, no.1-2, pp.213-235,257, 1967 (Released:2010-03-12)

According to Yasna 32.8 Yima divides the flesh of the bull among men. The author thinks that it is one of rituals of the New Year and Yima himself is the lord of the sacrificial feast with which the New Year festival sets in.It is supposed that Yima's festival took place round the Vara, an instance of which is the Ka'ba i Zardošt and there held successive Achaemenian kings, who were Yimas also, the ceremonies of accession.
著者
中田 考
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.39, no.2, pp.66-82, 1996 (Released:2010-03-12)

In the history of Islamic legal thought, al-Juwaini's al-Ghiyathi is a unique work, because he devotes himself in its last chapter to dealing with the possibility of Mappo (borrowed from a Buddhist concept), the era of extinction of the Shari'a, not in an eschatological way but in a juristical way.He says that the knowledge of the fundamentals of Shari'a will be lost among people after the disappearance of its legal authorities, i. e., mujtahids and transmitters of madhhabs, which will occur after the disappearance of the political authorities, i. e., caliphs and sultans.According to his understanding, the extinction of the knowledge will happen not because of the lack and decrease of books, but because of the increase of hairsplitting debates and pedantic disputes which occupy so much the minds of people and students as to make them tired at last.al-Juwaini compares Muslims in the era of extinction of the Shari'a with people whom the message of Islam has not reached. He concludes that, besides the beliefs in the unity of God and the prophethood of Muhammad, Muslim's sole obligation in such an era is to make himself ready for observance of the prescriptions of Shari'a, hoping to get to know them someday. Because there is no obligation without receiving the divine commandments according to the Ash'ari school to which al-Juwaini belongs.In his opinion the details of the Shari'a can not be understood without guidance of its authorities. So the utmost which can be hoped in case the legal authorities as well as the political authorities have disappeared, is that individual muslims reconstruct the fundamentals of the Shari'a from the remaining writings on the subject and apply the fundamentals to their own situations.
著者
中田 考
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.38, no.1, pp.79-95, 1995-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab who started his Tawhid propagation in his hometown, 'Uyaina, in 1741, broke down tombs of saints, trees and stones worshiped by the inhabitants, and pressed the magistrate to carry out the Islamic execution on an adulteress. The frightened inhabitants expelled him from the town.In this first stage of his missionary activity, we can already find the three political ideas of Wahhabi, such as (1) propagation of Tawhid, (2) ordering what is right and prohibiting what is wrong, and (3) execution of the Islamic law.Expelled from his hometown, Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab came to Dar'iya where lived Ibn Sa'ud. Ibn Sa'ud visited him and proposed him a concordat according to which he would give Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab a military support for the propagation of Tawhid in exchange for his loyalty to the house of Sa'ud and his confirmation of Ibn Sa'ud's right of taxation. Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab accepted his proposition except the confirmation of the right of taxation. On this concordat are founded the three State Principles of Saudi Arabia: propagation by jihad, monarchy of the Sa'ud, and no taxation.With the expansion of the territory, Saudi Arabia starts to use a double identity in the foreign policy, in which they define themselves as Wahhabi to attack the non-Wahhabi Muslims as polytheists on one hand and as Hanbali to make peace with other Muslims on the other hand.Though the third kingdom of Saudi Arabia founded by 'Abd al='Aziz has inherited Wahhabi' s three ideas on the politics, as for its three principles of the state, it comes to discard jihad as well as to retouch the no taxation principle and to justify the diplomatic relation with non Muslim countries.The legitimacy of the third kingdom of Saudi Arabia is now threatened on the three levels, namely, (1) the penetration of the idea of of the Jihad-Revolution among people, (2) the intensifying conflict not only between the Western world and the Islamic world but also between secularism and Islamism within the Islamic world and (3) the heavy taxation under the circumstances of the financial decline.
著者
中田 考
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.2, pp.104-124, 2001 (Released:2010-03-12)

This article analyzes the Islamic political thought of Abudurrahman Wahid through the reading of his essays in Mengurai Hubungan Agama dan Negara (1999), and other books.Abdurrahman Wahid states that he approaches the state-religion relation socio-culturally. The aim of this approach is not establishing Islamic state directly through their penetration into the goverment which is often adopted by Islamic reformist groups, but the socio-cultural reform in a long term through NGO or mass religious organizations such as NU and Muhammadiyyah.According to him, the present constitutinal regime of Indonesia is legitimized as Dar Sulh (state of truce), in which Islam is not institutionalized by the government, however the freedom of the muslims to practice their religion is guaranteed.He says, “the conception of Dar Sulh is so fruitful as to solve a lot of contemporary ploblems if only it is understood properly and fully developed, ” although his understanding of the concept of Dar Sulh is different from what the classical fiqh literatures defined, i. e., a state which has the truce with Dar Islam.Abdurrahman Wahid rejects the Islamist demand for the establishment of the Islamic state in Indonesia, saying that it is contrary to the traditional Shafi'i legal theory of Dar Sulh. But his rejection of Islamic state seems to be the result of his negative assessment on the level of Islamic knowledge among Indonesian muslims as well. He says, “We are still in the process of establishing Tawhid (ke-Esa-an Allah) and are not so far from it” and “we must start our social reform from the society which is still in the stage of Jahiliyah, where the people know only Tawhid and nothing more.”Thus, according to his bitter perception, what Indonesian society needs now is not the establishment of Islamic state enacting Islamic laws but the popularization of the teaching of Tawhid through socio-cultural reform based on Islamic universal moral values.
著者
鈴木 貴久子
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.2, pp.22-39, 1999 (Released:2010-03-12)

Medieval Arabic books of culinary, hygiene and pharmacology indicate that there were at least nine different types of pasta at the time. The records also provide us with detailed information on shapes, production process, recipes, commercial production, and medical use of pastas, as well as when and where they were eaten under what circumstances, and how pasta dishes were received by people back then.According to the definition in medieval books of hygiene and pharmacology, pastas in the medieval Islamic period were made from dough kneaded without adding yeast and then cooked in soup or boiled in hot water.1) Itriya, rishta These noodle-type pastas were the most popular in the medieval Middle East. Itriya had been known in the Middle East since before Islam. A twelfth-century geographer al-Idrîsî says that Itriya was then manufactured in Sicily on industrial basis and was shipped to various regions along the Mediterranean coast. Rishta was served during banquets at the Mamluk court in the fifteenth century. In the sixteenth century Egypt, it was served as a special diet for the sick people.2) Kuskus, fidâsh, muhammas, taltîn: These are the pastas from the Maghrib region. The first three are grain-like in shape, while taltîn is a pasta cut into small, thin square. Sha'îrîya is another kind of pasta shaped like barleycorn and was consumed only in Mashriq. Kuskus first appears in a book of culinary compiled in Mashriq in the mid-thirteenth century. A sixteenth century essay on cooking cites kuskus as one of the foods sold at al-sûq.3) Tutumâj, shashaburk: These are the pastas from the Central Asia. In the Middle East, they make their first appearance in the books of culinary and pharmacology in the mid-thirteenth century. In China, two cooking books, both compiled in the mid-thirteenth century, carries a recipe of tutumâj, which is transliterated into Chinese as “_??__??__??__??_ or _??__??__??__??_ tu'tu'mashih.” It appears that the dish had been regarded exotic in both China and the Middle East. Tutumâj is a flat pasta with square or disc-like shape. Shashaburk is tutumâj stuffed with ground meat. They were both served with yogurt. According to a thirteenth century Arab pharmacologist al-Kursî, tutumâj is a loan word form Turkish.Mention in Arabic records on kuskus, which is from the Maghrib, or tutumâj, which is from the Central Asia, suggests that there was a massive migration from these regions to the Middle East in the mid-thirteenth century.
著者
大野 盛雄
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.35, no.1, pp.97-109, 1992-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)
参考文献数
3
被引用文献数
1 1
著者
鈴木 貴久子
出版者
The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.2, pp.22-39, 1999

Medieval Arabic books of culinary, hygiene and pharmacology indicate that there were at least nine different types of pasta at the time. The records also provide us with detailed information on shapes, production process, recipes, commercial production, and medical use of pastas, as well as when and where they were eaten under what circumstances, and how pasta dishes were received by people back then.<br>According to the definition in medieval books of hygiene and pharmacology, pastas in the medieval Islamic period were made from dough kneaded without adding yeast and then cooked in soup or boiled in hot water.<br>1) <i><b>Itriya</b></i>, <i><b>rishta</b></i> These noodle-type pastas were the most popular in the medieval Middle East. <i>Itriya</i> had been known in the Middle East since before Islam. A twelfth-century geographer al-Idrîsî says that <i>Itriya</i> was then manufactured in Sicily on industrial basis and was shipped to various regions along the Mediterranean coast. <i>Rishta</i> was served during banquets at the Mamluk court in the fifteenth century. In the sixteenth century Egypt, it was served as a special diet for the sick people.<br>2) <i><b>Kuskus</b></i>, <i><b>fidâsh</b></i>, <i><b>muhammas</b></i>, <i><b>taltîn</b></i>: These are the pastas from the Maghrib region. The first three are grain-like in shape, while <i>taltîn</i> is a pasta cut into small, thin square. <i>Sha'îrîya</i> is another kind of pasta shaped like barleycorn and was consumed only in Mashriq. <i>Kuskus</i> first appears in a book of culinary compiled in Mashriq in the mid-thirteenth century. A sixteenth century essay on cooking cites <i>kuskus</i> as one of the foods sold at <i>al-sûq</i>.<br>3) <i><b>Tutumâj</b></i>, <i><b>shashaburk</b></i>: These are the pastas from the Central Asia. In the Middle East, they make their first appearance in the books of culinary and pharmacology in the mid-thirteenth century. In China, two cooking books, both compiled in the mid-thirteenth century, carries a recipe of <i>tutumâj</i>, which is transliterated into Chinese as "_??__??__??__??_ or _??__??__??__??_ <i>tu'tu'mashih."</i> It appears that the dish had been regarded exotic in both China and the Middle East. <i>Tutumâj</i> is a flat pasta with square or disc-like shape. <i>Shashaburk</i> is <i>tutumâj</i> stuffed with ground meat. They were both served with yogurt. According to a thirteenth century Arab pharmacologist al-Kursî, <i>tutumâj</i> is a loan word form Turkish.<br>Mention in Arabic records on <i>kuskus</i>, which is from the Maghrib, or <i>tutumâj</i>, which is from the Central Asia, suggests that there was a massive migration from these regions to the Middle East in the mid-thirteenth century.
著者
中田 考
出版者
学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.35, no.1, pp.16-31, 1992

In the classical Islamic jurisprudence the <i>Jihad</i> is defined as 'to expend one's life, wealth, and words in the war or the defence against infidels'. But after the collapse of the Ottoman Caliphate, the political situations of the Islamic world drastically changed, which called various responses among Muslim intellectuals. Faraj, the ideologue of the Egyptian '<i>Jihad</i>' group demonstrates that contemporary rulers apostatize from Islam because they do not rule according to the <i>shari'a</i>. So it turns to be individual obligation for Muslims to go <i>jihad</i> against the apostate rulers, for the <i>jihad</i> against apostates is to precede that against native infidels and the near enemy is more dangerous than the distant. But the <i>jihad</i> against the rulers has now no hope to succeed, so Shaikh 'Abdulgadir, a member of the '<i>Jihad</i>', argues that the military training for the <i>jihad</i> is incumbent on every sane adult Muslim who has the necessary equipments and that Muslims should elect a qualified commander by lack of the caliph.<br>Dr. 'Umar 'Abdurrahman, the mentor of the '<i>Jama'a Isldmiya</i>', who classifies the rulers of the Muslim states into six categories, distinguishes the contemporary ruler from the traditional types of rulers and coins the word <i>mustabdil</i> for that. He concludes that the <i>mustabdil</i> is infidel and consequently has no legitimacy to rule and that Muslims must rise against him. Abu Ithar, Dr. 'Umar's disciple refines the conception of <i>mustabdil</i> and proves that the war against a <i>mustabdil</i> is not the rebellion which is one of the <i>hudud</i> crimes, but Muslim's duty.<br>Thus the fight against evil rulers is justified both in the framework of the <i>jihad</i> theory by Faraj and 'Abdulgadir, and in the discussion about the legitimacy of the caliph by Dr.' Umar and Abu Ithar.<br>The 'revolutionary <i>jihad</i> theories' radically differ from the classical theory of the <i>jihad</i> and the caliphate. In the classical Islamic jurisprudence the <i>jihad</i> is defined as the war against infidels and strictly separated from the notion of apostasy which is one of the <i>hudud</i> crimes. The caliphate theory is inserted in the chapter of the rebellion in the Islamic jurisprudence, so that it serves mainly for the justification of the temporal ruler and excludes the possibility of discussing the caliph's apostasy.
著者
宮武 志郎
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.34, no.1, pp.48-64, 1991-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

The Ottoman dynasty began to rapidly introduce firearms to galleys and roundships from the last decade of the 15th century. Use of such firearms had been prevalent from the second half of the same century among the Mediterranean countries. The Ottomans employed Sephardim cannon-founders who had been expelled from the Iberian peninsula and whose techincal skills were of a very high level.This Ottoman policy toward the Zimmi should be recognized as one of the reasons for her military and economic achievements in the 16th century.
著者
香月 法子
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.47, no.1, pp.113-126, 2004-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

Zoroastrian high priests in India are of the opinion that Parsi society and Parsi identity will be wiped out by the interfaith marriage and entry into the faith of the children of these marriages. But there is more to it than that. There are the currents of conversion to Zoroastrianism all around Central Asia. Most clearly converts have claimed that their ancestors were Zoroastrians.Quite a few Zoroastrians, of those who have been traditionally called, are negative about accepting members whose parents are not both Zoroastrians. Behind the tendency of refusing to accept converts in their society or institutions in India are the serious religious disturbances risen by communalism in India and the exclusive environment of Parsi society. To protect their own society, Parsis, who are minority in India, have accepted the interfaith marriages selectively and have accepted the children of the marriages as physically and spiritually pure because of the ties of blood.However, for others, even if they affirm that Zoroastrianism is the faith of their ancestors, it is difficult to say that they possess physical and spiritual purity from the point of view of Zoroastrianism. Nevertheless, the controversy about the issue of conversion to Zoroastrianism seems to be increasing, as society in general seems to recognize converts as Zoroastrians, in the absence of conditions for formal entry (naojot) or of a definition of a Zoroastrian which is accepted by everyone. However, unless Zoroastrians change their ideas of physical purity and impurity, which are considered integral parts of the tenets of Zoroastrianism, it will be difficult to find a unified view.
著者
春田 晴郎
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.2, pp.125-134, 2001 (Released:2010-03-12)
参考文献数
22

A new transliteration and translation of the Avroman Parchment No. 3 (British Library Or. 8115), written in Parthian, is given here.Transliteration based on P1. III in Minns 1915:1. ŠNT IIIC YRH' 'rwtt MZBNW ptspr BRY tyryn2. ZY MN bwdy KRM' 'smk MH 'bykškn PLG y't3. W ZBNW 'wyl BRY bšnyn KZY 'HY KL' ZWZN XX XX XX IIIII4. MH MN bwmhwtw '(py) h (w) z hmy 'KLW QDMTH5. ŠHDYN tyrk BRY 'pyn (m..g) BRY ršnw 'rštt6. B (RY) 'bzn grybnzwy B (RY) mtrpry synk BRY m'tbwg7. [] (.) KRM' 'smkn KRM' ZBNT 'wyl MN8. ptspr (K) L' ZWZN XX XX XX IIIII1.4 '(py) h (w) z: '(p) [y] h [w] (z) in the present state;1.5 (m..g): (m) [..] (g) in the present state.Translation:“Year 300 (=A. D. 53), month Arwatat, Patspar son of Tiren from Bod sold a half part of the vineyard Asmak which is within the ploughland; and Awil son of Bašnen bought it for a total of 65 drachms, (the price asked) by the landowner, ‘as brothers’ (> on equal terms with the seller?). They swore together that there should be no accusation, before the witnesses: Tirak son of Apen, M…g (?) son of Rašn, Arštat son of 'bzn (?), Grybnzwy (?) son of Mihrfriy and Senak son of Matbog. Awil bought [] vineyard, Asmakan vineyard from Patspar for a total of 65 drachms.”On the readings:1.3 KZY: nzd in Gignoux 1972, but his reading is impossible.1.4 'pyhwz or 'pyhwn: 'tyhrw in Gignoux 1972, 'py hrw in Perikhanian 1983; previous scholars read the fifth letter as {r}, but that reading is not correct because they, probably, overlooked a wormhole which covered the uppermost part of the letter. —now the wormhole has become larger and covered the entire area where the letter existed. For the reading of the final letter, see Haruta 1992: 33 n. 27; see also the length of the first letter {Z} in ZWZN in 1.3.On the translation:1.3 KZY 'HY “as brother (s)”: I tentatively interpret the phrase as “as equals, on equal terms, ” though one can translate it as “as partners” or “as co-owners.” KZY 'HY may be related to βραδδιγογο in Bactrian [Sims-Williams 2000: 82-83 (Document P), 187].1.4 'pyhwz hmy 'KLW /apexwaz ham xwart/“They swore together that there should be no accusation”; or 'pyhwn…/apexwan…/“…there should be no claim”: for 'pyhwz “without accusation”/ 'pyhwn “without claim, ” cf. 'pw šk'rw, 'pwyx's, etc. in Sogdian [Yoshida et al. 1988] and αβηδαχοαυο, αβηχοαυδο, etc. in Bactrian [Sims-Williams 2000]. For the Aramaeogram 'KLW “to swear, ” cf. Herzfeld 1924: 134-135 and Haruta 1992: 29, 32 n. 27; Schwartz [1989] discussed in detail the verb √xvar- “to swear, ” a verb homophonous with “to eat.” Note that this interpretation is possible only when you read the document in Parthian; this is the strongest evidence, I think, against the allegation that it was written in Aramaic.