著者

宮内 杏里 山本 直彦 増井 正哉 田中 麻里 パント モハン 濱岡 飛鳥 向井 洋一

出版者

日本建築学会

雑誌

日本建築学会計画系論文集 (ISSN:13404210)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.82, no.731, pp.93-103, 2017

被引用文献数

2

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&nbsp;This paper aims to discuss the areal extent and spatial structure of neighborhood, called <i>tol</i>, which possibly demarcate urban fabric with respect to worship and funeral procedure. Bhaktapur is known as one of the historic cities of the World Heritage Site in Kathmandu Valley. The analysis focuses on the house distributions that have the common votary area of the guardian deities' shrine and the use of the same crossing for funeral procedure.<br>&nbsp;A <i>tol</i> is one of the traditional neighborhood units. But it is not clear how <i>tols</i> are structured and what <i>tols</i> have in common. First, we take a look into the existing studies on origin and outline of a <i>tol</i>, and pay special attention to the following two studies. A research done by Pant (2001) has taken the approach that the key to consider a <i>tol</i> is the areal extent of worship to the guardian deities, <i>ganesh</i>. Another research done by Gutschow (1975) has claimed that the clue to determine <i>tol</i> boundaries is the ways of the Dead to crematories. It consider a <i>tol</i> as equivalent to the areal extent of use of the same <i>chwasa</i> which is a stone found often at the crossings on the way to crematories from the diseased houses.<br>&nbsp;<i>Ganesh</i> is often considered as a guardian deity at various neighborhood levels. That of a <i>tol</i> is called Tol Ganesh. A Tol Ganesh is normally placed on the main square in a <i>tol</i>, except when there is a presence of a more prominent deity of wider importance in the main square. People in the same <i>tol</i> usually worship the same Tol Ganesh. We find out that those living urban dwellings in located on both sides of a street worship to the same Tol Ganesh, but the depth of its areal extent on one side of a street seems shallow than the other side.<br>&nbsp;<i>Chwasa</i> is an aniconic ritual artifact made of a single stone placed on the crossing. Various articles left by the diseased are disposed on the stone as a part of the funeral procedures, for example clothes, umbilical cord or inauspicious belongings of the dead. We found 7 <i>chwasas</i> in the case-study area to the east of Dattatraya square. However the inhabitants in the peripheral part of the old city do not use these <i>chwasas</i> but use the temples or the crematories outside the city area. People living in the midst of the city area after disposing articles of the dead on <i>chvasa</i> also use the temples afterwards.<br>&nbsp;Next we compare the areal extent of worship to Tol Ganesh with that of use of <i>chwasa</i>. Whether or not a <i>ganesh</i> shrine and <i>chwasa</i> are closely placed will determines overlapping extent of both votary areas. However it became clear that the areal extent of use of <i>chwasa</i> have the same character with that of worship to Tol Ganesh in terms of <i>Ryogawa-cho</i> structure explained below and the difference in horizontal depth perpendicular to the street.<br>&nbsp;Finally, our suevey located <i>tol</i> boundaries in the eastern part of Bhaktapur. It turned out that there were 2 types of <i>tol</i> boundaries. i.e. the more common type whose boundaries lying on the backside of houses (<i>Ryogawa-cho</i> type), and the other one with boundaries lying on the street (<i>Katagawa-cho</i> type). Compering these three boundaries, (Tol Ganesh, <i>chwasa</i> and <i>tol</i>), <i>Katagawa-cho</i> type <i>tol</i> boundaries seem to be an exception. But we will try to find particular meaning in them in the next paper on historic urban formation.