著者

諏訪 淳一郎

出版者

島根県立大学

雑誌

総合政策論叢 (ISSN:13463829)

巻号頁・発行日

no.5, pp.133-146, 2003-03

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Various researches in popular music studies and related areas have been discussing the correlation between pop music and violent behaviors. While this study finds ground in the both sides of arguments - music as the root of violent behavior of teenagers and music having nothing to do with violence - it focuses on where and how violent behavior and music meet to form a nexus of cultural context. A recent study on urban Papua New Guinea by Karl Neuenfeldt has made an account of "mayhem" took place in during a pop concert at Port Moresby Show in order to exemplify contemporary cultural complex of the country. This study takes advantage of the Neuenfeldt article to posit an argument on violence and music by taking three separate incidents of violence at outdoor music concerts from the Madang area, where the author conducted a field research between 1997 and 1998. Both in Port Moresby and Madang, the aspect of moral panic may involve micro-ethnic conflict, sexual attack, and quality and repertoire of musical performance. However, the cases from Madang reflect more rural context than Port Moresby in the sense that both musicians and audiences are grassroots, whereas in Port Moresby the musicians tend to be widely recognized social figures. Thus in the Madang area, the complex of violence and music is exemplary of cultural production of the grassroots. The nature of violence, aside from direct causes such as the alcohol or personal feud, exists in the ideological effect of 'addressing' of singing voices. The singing voice, which always follows the phonetics of native languages and Melanesian Pidgin in the case of grassroots pops, becomes subject to imagining who is singing. The worst, occasionally violent reaction, is the consequence of a "White men's song", which is either copy of Western pop or an original that makes use of hard rock-style complex chords or a slow tempo like rock ballad. A grassroots audience clearly imagines a non-Papua New Guinea face behind such a singing voice, even if the singer is a Papuan or Melanesian, and reacts with negative comment or violence. The sense of 'being made resonate' with the sound of White men's song leads grassroots audience to the feeling of alienation and deprivation of identity. In the cases of a denied romantic approach leading to sexual violence, which in one case resulted rape, listening to grassroots music that romanticizes local and lived spaces of life, such as a lover, surmounts the feeling of lack. Along with the beat of reggae that often incorporates words from local traditional dance, the grassroots music may alienate the audience by creating a feeling of loss, such as feeling that The voice that is singing, is not I.' Even if the music is sung in a pleasant voice, emotive contents, and played in a dancing rhythm, when it is felt as an addressing voice, it makes an awareness in the audience that he or she is not the one who is singing, or who is expressing feelings so deeply.

著者

山田 陽一 諏訪 淳一郎

出版者

京都市立芸術大学

雑誌

基盤研究(B)

巻号頁・発行日

2006

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本研究では、ヴァヌアツ共和国とソロモン諸島を主たる調査地として、現地におけるエスノ・ポップ(民族性を表象する大衆音楽)の形成過程の解明を試みた。その結果、ヴァヌアツ共和国では、1930 年代末期から現在に至るストリングバンド音楽の活発な展開が明らかにされ、他方ソロモン諸島では、かつて主流であったストリングバンド音楽とバンブーバンド音楽が衰退し、音楽の中心が電気・電子楽器を用いたレゲエバンドに移行した状況が明らかとなった。

著者

諏訪 淳一郎

出版者

島根県立大学

雑誌

総合政策論叢 (ISSN:13463829)

巻号頁・発行日

no.2, pp.181-197, 2001-12

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Most Papua New Guineans consider singsing tumbuna, or "songs of ancestors," as representative traditional dance from of community. Despite such a widely accepted notion, many of indigenous dance style did not survive form colonization and the missions. In fact, what we see as singsing tumbuna today is an invention rearranged and resurrected from old dances in most cases; it was designed so in order to accommodate with cultural events and public inaugurations organized by the authorities, as well as to promote tourism. In Yabob, a local community near the Madang town, a singsing tumbuna named daik was a group of short songs from indigenous courtship songs sung by the youth in hidden nightly courtship parties held in the bush, which often led to premarital intercourses. As the mission prohibited the courtship for moral reasons, the original songs ceased to be sung, only to be remembered. When the ban on traditional dancing was lifted by the Australian administration after the 1920s, Yabob people rearranged daik for public performance. Today, Yabob has two singsing tumbuna pieces, daik and maimai, the latter of which was derived from a part of the former. Yabob's case demands a conceptual paradigm that renders neither cultural essentialism nor a simple theory of cultural invention that takes production of culture as being a false consciousness or a result of manipulation. In this paper, singsing tumbuna in today's cultural context is scrutinized as a cultural practice interplaying with corporeality and the configuration of "neighborhood" (life world in context) and "locality" (the relational or the contextual), as Arjun Appadurai conceptualized. The corporeality of singsing tumbuna is a "groove," or a participation consciousness cultivated through dancing and musical performance. The groove of singsing tumbuna sets up locality as a neighborhood where cultural interactions are felt as a lived world. The locality of singsing tumbuna often involves foreigners and outsiders, and even a part of words of the songs and costume are arranged for pop music concerts known as powerband; these alterations are also part of a PNG way of sensing reality, here and now, of locality, which is felt as communality-like, by means of groove that incessantly localizes neighborhoods with flexibility.

著者

諏訪 淳一郎

出版者

島根県立大学

雑誌

総合政策論叢 (ISSN:13463829)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, pp.47-60, 2002-03-25

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A popular form of Iwami kagura in the Seki-ou district of Shimane Prefecture is known as hatchoshi. This form has been given relatively minor attention because of its secular performative format. By contrast to the rokuchoshi kagura in the mountain region of old Iwami region, which still has religious significance of evocating trance, hatchoshi has attracted audiences at supermarkets, for instance, with decorative costumes, dramatic settings and fast beat of the taiko drum. This article discusses an example from an institution for the mentally disabled located in Kanagi Town, south of Hamada. The welfare institution, Iwami Fukushikai, has a very active club to perform hatchoshi with help from volunteer; it also manages workshops of costumes, masks, and other instrument for kagura groups on demand. In the core of the kagura-related activity of Iwami Fukushikai, there is a flexibility of the hatchoshi tradition. Although it may sound contradictory, hatchoshi was initially invented as a new style of kagura in the Hamada coast during early Meiji period, and this sprit has been continuously creating fast dancing and acting, decorative costume, and new production. In other words, nobility is the ethos of the hatchoshi, which is an interesting case of traditional art form vibrantly containing an iconoclastic aspect.

著者

諏訪 淳一郎 Jun'ichiro SUWA

出版者

島根県立大学北東アジア地域研究センター

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

pp.85-108, 2008-03