著者

安岡 昭男 長井 純市

出版者

法政大学

雑誌

法政大学文学部紀要 (ISSN:04412486)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, pp.A13-A24, 2006-03-06

著者

長井 純市

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.12, pp.1881-1894, 1966-1965, 1986-12-20

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The Extraordinary Postal Regulatory Law, promulgated in October of 1941, stemmed from an urgent Imperial decree that called for the censorship of the mail, with particular attention to foreign mail. Behind the enactment of this Law lay the necessity of protecting many military secrets related to the prolonged war between Japan and China. The main impetus for the Law seems to have come from the Ministry of War, although the Military Police and the Ministries of the Navy, Home Affairs and Communications also seem to have been highly supportive of it. Prior to the passage of this Law, these Ministries and the Military Police had been conducting illegal censorship of the mails for the express purpose of protecting military secrets or collecting foreign intelligence. After the enactment of the Law, Postal Inspectors or Assistant Postal Inspectors were deployed to the major post offices handling foreign mail, such as those at Tokyo, Yokohama, Osaka, Kobe and Shimonoseki. Their activities were centralized and overseen by the Ministry of Communications. Among these inspectors were some who held positions in the Military Police or the Special Thought Control Police. Needless to say, the volume of foreign mail exceeded the capacity of their work ; but about 10% of the foreign mail was effectively put before the censor's eyes. Of those persons who were prosecuted, there included not only those who exposed military secrets, but also those who expressed feelings of war weariness or made political criticisms. The use of the Law was not limited only to the protection of military secrets but also extended to war-time research efforts into the Japanese people's private attitudes and feelings. Such reports were actually drawn up by the Ministries of Communications and Home Affairs on the basis on their postal censorship activities. Considering the political meaning of the Extraordinary Postal Regulatory Law, it is impossible to say that the "freedom of the people" as described in the Meiji Constitution was completely overlooked. That is, those bureaucrats who were engaged in the exercise of the Law were compelled to take extreme caution for fear of the people's criticism, despite the fact that several other leading powers such at Great Britain already had similar postal censorship institutions in operation. With Japan's defeat at the end of the War, the Extraordinary Postal Regulatory Law was immediately abolished ; but under Douglas MacArthur it re-emerged under a different form during the Occupation period.

著者

長井 純市

出版者

法政大学史学会

雑誌

法政史学 (ISSN:03868893)

巻号頁・発行日

no.50, pp.34-61, 1998-03

著者

長井 純市

出版者

法政大学史学会

雑誌

法政史学 (ISSN:03868893)

巻号頁・発行日

no.72, pp.22-49, 2009-09

著者

長井 純市

出版者

法政大学史学会

雑誌

法政史学 = Journal of Hosei Historical Society in Hosei University (ISSN:03868893)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, pp.34-61, 1998-03-24

著者

長井 純市

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.12, pp.1881-1894,1966-, 1986-12-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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The Extraordinary Postal Regulatory Law, promulgated in October of 1941, stemmed from an urgent Imperial decree that called for the censorship of the mail, with particular attention to foreign mail. Behind the enactment of this Law lay the necessity of protecting many military secrets related to the prolonged war between Japan and China. The main impetus for the Law seems to have come from the Ministry of War, although the Military Police and the Ministries of the Navy, Home Affairs and Communications also seem to have been highly supportive of it. Prior to the passage of this Law, these Ministries and the Military Police had been conducting illegal censorship of the mails for the express purpose of protecting military secrets or collecting foreign intelligence. After the enactment of the Law, Postal Inspectors or Assistant Postal Inspectors were deployed to the major post offices handling foreign mail, such as those at Tokyo, Yokohama, Osaka, Kobe and Shimonoseki. Their activities were centralized and overseen by the Ministry of Communications. Among these inspectors were some who held positions in the Military Police or the Special Thought Control Police. Needless to say, the volume of foreign mail exceeded the capacity of their work ; but about 10% of the foreign mail was effectively put before the censor's eyes. Of those persons who were prosecuted, there included not only those who exposed military secrets, but also those who expressed feelings of war weariness or made political criticisms. The use of the Law was not limited only to the protection of military secrets but also extended to war-time research efforts into the Japanese people's private attitudes and feelings. Such reports were actually drawn up by the Ministries of Communications and Home Affairs on the basis on their postal censorship activities. Considering the political meaning of the Extraordinary Postal Regulatory Law, it is impossible to say that the "freedom of the people" as described in the Meiji Constitution was completely overlooked. That is, those bureaucrats who were engaged in the exercise of the Law were compelled to take extreme caution for fear of the people's criticism, despite the fact that several other leading powers such at Great Britain already had similar postal censorship institutions in operation. With Japan's defeat at the end of the War, the Extraordinary Postal Regulatory Law was immediately abolished ; but under Douglas MacArthur it re-emerged under a different form during the Occupation period.

著者

長井 純市

出版者

吉川弘文館

雑誌

日本歴史 (ISSN:03869164)

巻号頁・発行日

no.535, pp.p58-75, 1992-12

著者

長井 純市

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.4, pp.453-484, 604-603, 1991-04-20

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This article attempts to portray Yamagata Aritomo as a political leader by looking at his efforts to establish the legal framework for a system of local government for modern Japan. At present, there are no studies which probe the significance in Yamagata's long political career in establishing such a system. The author attempts to analyze its significance by illustrating Yamagata's enthusiasm for the project against a background of the contemporary political situation and his views on local government. The local government legal system in which Yamagata played a decisive role (laws pertaining to the organization of cities, town and villages, counties, and prefectures) is generally characterized as very centralized. But, as Kikegawa Hiroshi has poined out, bills drafted under the direction of Yamagata differ substantially from the actual laws promulgated. The author attempts to clarify the strength of Yamagata's political leadership by analyzing the source of these differences. Moreover, he evaluates Yamagata's views of local government as they are manifest through his proposals. The thesis begins with a consideration of the significance of Yamagata's sojourn to Europe from December, 1888 to October, 1889. In his absence from Tokyo, Yamagata missed such major events as the enforcement of laws for the organization of cities, and town and villages (April, 1889); deliberations in the genro council over the organization of counties and prefectures, and the promulgation of the constitution (February, 1889). The main purpose of Yamagata's travels was the inspection of European systems of local government. He was vety conscious of distinguishing himself from the genro, Ito Hirobumi and Inoue Kaoru, and confidently considered the bills under deliberation for the organization of counties and prefectures as his exclusive domain. In analyzing the diffefences between Yamagata's proposals and the final drafts of these laws, the author has discovered that Yamagata's absence from Tokyo paved the way for revisions by Ito, Inoue, Inoue Kowashi, Ito Miyoji, and Suematsu Kencho. Yamagata's overwhelming self-confidence led to a temporary lapse in his famed caution. The author then evaluates Yamagata's views on local government by looking at his opinions while abroad of reports on the situation in Japan. Yamagata considered an attitude of "lenience" and "benevolence to all" as crucial for statesmen and urged the necessity of political consciousness among the people. This made for an idealized image of local government, at the base of which lay a firm conviction in national growth, modernization and Westernization for Japan. The author concludes first that the establishment of a system of local government was the first project taken on by Yamagata which, coming at the outset of constitutional government, aimed at a personal transition from military to civilian leadership. As such, Yamagata viewed the project as on a par with Ito's drafting of the constitution. Second, compared to the laws actually passed, Yamagata's idealistic proposals, as Roesler points out, were too liberal and self-autonomous in nature. While in Europe, his proposals were revised along more practical, centralized lines. Third, although Yamagata's policies as seen in the effort to establish a system of local government were not adequately reflected in the organization of counties and prefectures, they are connected with his success in keeping the first Diet from dissolving. Moreover, a feeling of inferiority toward Ito et. al. in administrative matters prompted Yamagata to keep an eye out for possible advisers from among men of talent such as Tsuzuki Keiroku and to work on improving his own administrative skills.