著者
大井 知範
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.124, no.2, pp.177-209, 2015-02-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

This paper attempts to elicit the reality of the Hapsburg Empire's global seafaring prowess despite its reputation as a mainly continental power, in light of historical findings that an Imperial warship had been stationed in the seas of East Asia approximately 100 years ago. Research regarding Western navies stationed overseas has in the past focused largely on their use as a means of military competition or imperialistic ambitions toward the non-Western world. However, here the author points to another purpose with which warships were deployed overseas; namely, to serve as media for promoting international relations within the daily routine of peacetime conditions. After outlining the deployment system of warships outside of the region of Europe, and the reasons, circumstances and substance of the Hapsburg Empire's stationing of a warship in East Asian waters, the author turns to the specific duties of the ship, in particular, how it performed the very important duty of any Western navy in protecting its country's citizen and commercial interests in the region. However, since the Hapsburg Empire had no overseas interests or citizens to protect in East Asia, it was impossible for the Austro-Hungarians to set up a system of direct protection like that of the other major powers, due mainly to its unique position in having only a single warship to accommodate such needs. The author then addresses the subject of goodwill exchange, which he considers to be the most important daily routine of the Hapsburg warship, and looks there for the ultimate reason for stationing it in East Asian waters. Finally, he focuses on the military band on board the ship, in order to clarify the fact that the Hapsburg Empire was concerned in identifying with maritime coastal society in East Asia through the medium of music. The Hapsburg Empire thus intended to adapt to the imperial order as a major power in East Asia by carefully cultivating various daily peacetime routines.
著者
金子 龍司
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.125, no.12, pp.25-46, 2016 (Released:2018-01-28)

本稿は、太平洋戦争末期の娯楽政策について考察する。具体的にはサイパンが陥落した一九四四年七月に発足した小磯国昭内閣期以降終戦までの政策に注目する。 小磯内閣期の思想・文化統制については、先行研究により、東條内閣期の言論弾圧が見直されて言論暢達政策が採用され、思想・言論統制の緩和によって戦意昂揚を目指したことが指摘されている。娯楽統制についてもこの枠組みで語られ、従来強化一方だった統制がサイパン陥落・同内閣の成立を契機として一転して緩和されたと整理され、その画期性が指摘されている。 しかし、この統制緩和は小磯内閣が娯楽に対して講じた措置のひとつに過ぎないし、画期といっても、この統制緩和に限らなければ、娯楽への積極的な措置は小磯内閣発足以前からすでに講じられていた。つまり先行研究は、統制緩和の画期性を重視するあまり、小磯内閣の娯楽政策の全容を明らかにしておらず、しかも従前の政策との連続性も見過ごしているきらいがある。 したがって本稿は、小磯内閣期の娯楽政策をできるだけ詳しく分析することで右の二点を明らかにし、同政策を歴史的に位置づける試みを行う。具体的には、当事者たちの問題認識や政策決定過程や政策の実効性を検討材料とする。 本稿が明らかにするのは以下の事柄である。第一に、娯楽統制史上、小磯内閣期の統制緩和は個別の措置としてはたしかに画期的であったが、娯楽に対する積極的な姿勢や問題認識に関してはむしろ前内閣との連続性が目立っていたこと。第二に、政策の実効性といった観点からは、個別具体的な措置については一定の成果が見られ、戦争末期にあっても興行の機会は確保され盛況も珍しくなかったこと。第三に、それにもかかわらず、政策全体の評価としては、絶望化する戦況下で観客や興行者たちが娯楽を供給・享受して戦意昂揚に結びつけるだけの精神的余裕を失っていたため、失敗に終わったと結論せざるを得ないことである。
著者
堀川 康史
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.125, no.12, pp.1-24, 2016 (Released:2018-01-28)

応永2年(1395)閏7月、九州探題今川了俊は京都に召還され、翌年2月までに解任された。室町幕府の九州政策の大きな転換点となったこの解任劇は、足利義満期の政治史や地域支配を論じるうえで不可欠の事件として知られているが、その政治過程、とりわけ解任に至った理由・経緯については不明な点が少なくない。本稿は、1390年代前半の九州情勢との関わりを重視する立場から、これらの点について検討を加えるものである。 検討の結果、解任の理由は了俊と九州大名との協力関係の断絶とそれにともなう九州経営の崩壊に求められることが明らかになった。その経緯は以下の通りである。 まず両島津氏との関係について見ると、長く対立関係にあった了俊と両島津氏は、明徳2年(1391)に和平を結んだものの、探題派国人の権益保護と両島津氏との和平は両立せず、和平の成立後まもない時期から南九州では局地的紛争が発生した。了俊は反島津氏を掲げる南九州国人一揆の意向もあって和平の破棄を決断し、明徳5年(1394)2月以降、再び両島津氏との戦いに突入していった。 ついで大友氏との関係に目を転じると、応永初年に大友親世と有力庶家の田原・吉弘両氏の間で内訌が生じた際、了俊は反親世派を支援したことで親世と断交した。親世は大内義弘・両島津氏と結ぶことで了俊に対抗し、結果として応永2年までに了俊は大友・大内・両島津の三者と敵対関係に陥った。この九州大名との協力関係の断絶が、了俊の九州経営を崩壊に導いていくことになった。 最後に足利義満はというと、通説とは異なり京都召還の直前まで了俊を支援していた様子が読みとれる。しかし、有力大名が揃って了俊に敵対し、九州経営の崩壊が徐々に明らかになったことにより、最終的に義満は了俊の解任を決断したと考えられる。応永3年(1396)2月、渋川満頼の探題就任が九州諸氏に報じられ、20年以上に及んだ了俊の九州経営はここに終わりを迎えることになったのである。
著者
池上 裕子
出版者
史学会 ; 1889-
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.125, no.7, pp.1278-1287, 2016-07
著者
中島 楽章
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.113, no.12, pp.1967-2003, 2004-12-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

From the late 16^<th> to the early 17^<th> century, amidst the "Age of Commerce" in the East Asian maritime region, many Chinese, including merchants, smugglers, captives, and drifters, came to south-west Japan. Especially in Kyushu, where most of the Chinese arrived, not a few Chinese settlements were formed in various seaports and castle towns. In this paper, the author discusses emigrant Chinese intellectuals in this maritime region, by focusing on physicians who sojourned in south Kyushu. Nearby the castle town of Obi 飫肥, There are two epitaphs on gravestones of Xu Zhilin 徐之〓, who had served as a physician in Obi domain during the 17^<th> century. According to these epitaphs, Xu zhilin was borne in the gentry lineage of Shangyu 上虞 county of Zhejiang province. In 1619, He made a voyage to Beijing aspiring to pass the civil service examinations, but was captured by pirates along the way. He was first taken to Nagasaki, then later moved to Satsuma, where he learned medicine from a Chinese physician residing there. Five years later, He was invited by the lord of Obi domain to serve as one of his physicians until 1666. Concerning the pedigree of Xu Zhilin, except the two epitaphs, no available sources had been found in Japan. But I had found three editions of genealogies of Xu lineage in Shanghai Library which describe the family line of Xu Zhilin in detail, and accounts on ancestors of him are almost coincide with these of epitaphs. From these genealogies, we can ascertain that he actually was a member of elite, lineage producing numerous scholar officials from the 16^<th> century. From the late 16^<th> century onward, the lift of prohibition of private maritime trade remarkably stimulated the oversea trades with south Fujian as its node. Although the ban on voyages to Japan remained, many Fujian traders had sailed to Kyushu. Particularly, south Kyushu was gradually integrated into the network of Fujian merchants. Arrivals of many Chinese physicians were also one aspect of the expansion of the Fujian network, which accompanied transfers of culture, technology, and human resources. During 16^<th> and 17^<th> century, enormous amount of silver continued to flow onto the southeast coast region of China, particularly south Fujian, from Japan and the New World. The imported silver was gradually diffused all over China, and a considerable part of it went to Beijing as taxes, then thrown onto the frontier bases of the northern border region as military expenditures. As a result the influx of silver produced booming trade and economic prosperity in the maritime Asia and China's northern border. Numerous Chinese attracted by economic chances also flowed, into these regions as traders, peasants, soldiers, and various specialists. It should be noted that the Chinese who immigrated to foreign countries included marginal intellectuals such as lower literati, merchants, and physicians. They often served the military-commercial powers in those respective regions and countries, offered advanced Chinese cultures and technology, and mediated commercial or military negotiations between the Ming Dynasty and foreign powers. Arrivals of Chinese physicians in Japan were one phenomenon, of such emigration by Chinese marginal intellectuals during the "Age of Commerce" in East Asia.

10 0 0 0 OA 九州探題考

著者
黒嶋 敏
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.116, no.3, pp.328-361, 2007-03-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

The Kyushu Tandai was a post set up by the Muromachi Bakufu to govern the island of Kyushu. From the end of fourteenth century, the post was held by successive members of the Shibukawa family branch of the Ashikaga clan. The research to date has held that the power of the Tandai quickly declined after the defeat of Shibukawa Yoshitoshi at the hands of the Shoni family in 1425 and eventually became limited to the eastern portion of Hizen Province. This is why the Kyushu Tandai has not been seen as a significant political force in the region during the late medieval period. The present article reexamines the process of the Shibukawa family's decline and fall in order to relocate the place of the Kyushu Tandai within the historical context of late medieval Japan. The above-mentioned decline of the Shibukawa family, which supposedly began with the defeat of 1425, was in fact the result of policies implemented under the Muromachi Shogun Ashikaga Yoshinori, which aimed at a new way of governing Kyushu centered around the Ouchi family, and in the process reduced the authority of the Kyushu Tandai. Nevertheless, the Tandai still retained a high level of military leadership in the region. Then, during the sixteenth century, when civil strife shook northern Kyushu as the result of the weakening of shogunal power in the region, the Shibukawa family split into Ouchi and Otomo family factions. Even then, the Tandai remained influential and was considered an important element within the strategy of any feudal lord (daimyo) in the region. The author concludes that the Shibukawa Kyushu Tandai family did not decline and fall, but rather lost importance as a regional Bakufu administrative organ due to a change in shogunate politics. On the other hand, the Shibukawa family's high level of political influence remained an important, unwavering element within the regional political order throughout the period. The same phenomenon can be observed in the case of the Muromachi Bafuku's Oshu (Northern Honshu) Tandai. Placing the post of Tandai within its rightful place in regional politics alongside the Bakufu and daimyo now reveals a brand new aspect of the political structure characterizing fifteenth and sixteenth century Japan.
著者
池田 勇太
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.115, no.6, pp.1041-1078, 2006

The present article attempts to clarify the birth of monarchical constitutionalism on the occasion of a debate over a popularly elected parliament in 1874, by focusing on Motoda Nagazane (or Eifu) 元田永孚, who was Emperor Meiji's tutor in Confucianism. The introduction of a constitutional polity in the absence of a government not only displayed the strong character of a modernization measure and was thought to realize a political society supported by the masses and open public opinion, but also a parliament, constitution and separation of the legislative and administrative branches of government were expected to solve real problems that existed in local administration and politics at the time. The article begins with an examination of the actions taken by the Governor of Fukushima Prefecture Yasuba Yasukazu 安場保和 in order to clarify the era's parliamentary movement against the background of local administration and to argue that the fair and just nature (ko 公) of a constitutional polity was thought to be identical to traditional Confucian political ideals. Secondly, the introduction of a constitutional polity at that point in time was not the result of power politics fought along vertical, class lines, but was rather a specific political expression of what the Restoration bureaucracy thought desirable. On the other hand, the introduction of such a polity under well-meaning auspices from above also meant that the bureaucracy did not always seek broad pluralistic opinions on the subject, but rather tended to make policy decisions in a more theoretical manner. The 1874 debate over a popularly elected parliament brought the issue of mass popular political participation to the forefront in terms of "joint rule by king and citizen." It was here that Motoda Eifu suggested that in a monarchical state it was necessary to make a distinction between "public opinion" and "the just argument," arguing that it was the monarch who should employ the latter. Any parliamentary system in which the monarch enjoys ultimate prerogative, moreover, demands that the monarch have the ability to exercise that prerogative properly, which necessitated the development of a system of imperial advisors and educators. At that time there was also the idea that the position of senior political advisor (genro 元老) should be created outside of the cabinet to perform such a function. Motoda, on the other hand, reformed such an idea based on the necessity of a monarch performing his duties with the final say within a constitutional polity. This is why it can be said that both monarchical constitutionalism and the establishment of the emperor's prerogative within it was born out of the 1874 debate over a popularly elected parliament.
著者
山中 恭子
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.90, no.10, pp.1481-1519,1618, 1981-10-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

Officially sealed orders (印判状) issued by the sengoku daimyo Go-Hojo can be divided into two distinct forms : those issued directly by the daimyo himself (直状式) ; and those which expressed the daimyo's wishes and were issued by his underlings (奉書式). In this essay, the author, as a result of an investigation into the particular characteristics of these two forms of sealed documents, is led to the following conclusions. First, the sealed orders issued by the daimyo's underlings, in principle, were issued on an individual basis to endow special rights and privileges. The attainment process for this type of order involved initial application to an underling who would in turn petition the daimyo himself. Therefore, this kind of order could only describe exceptional cases and not the general conditions of the time. Indeed, this form of document can be thought of as reflecting the reverse side of general conditions. In the case of sealed orders issued by the daimyo himself, issuance was not made through the petition of underlings, but rather at the initiative of the daimyo. This kind of order can be found distributed in multiplicate over a very wide area. Therefore, it can be considered as a form of document reflecting directly wide-spread, general historical realities. In this way, the positions of these two forms viv-a-vis historical reality can said to be in a state of 180° opposition. In other words, in the case of the sealed orders issued by the Go-Hojo during the Sengoku period, by simply ascertaining the form of a particular document, one can know whether it expresses general social conditions or exceptional cases. This presents an extremely fortunate set of circumstances for the historical researcher.
著者
上田 純子
出版者
The Historical Society of Japan
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.109, no.11, pp.2014-2042, 2000-11-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

This paper explores the decision-making process of the Hagi Domain government during their Bunkyu era reforms, which began in March 1863 and were brought to an end in September 1869 after the bombardment of Shimonoseki and the outbreak of violence in Kyoto. Before the reforms, policy-making functions were carried out by two members of the Karo家老 class, called Ryoshoku両職, who were supported by a small group of lower level officials, the Goyogatachu御用方中. After the reforms, policy-making activities and appeals to the daimyo were both carried out at a newly established Seijido(政事堂;Hall of governance). The officials of the Seijido routinely conducted policy meetings in the presence of the daimyo. These measures aimed at involving a larger range of the warrior class in the consultative process give that process more authority, or potency. The abolition of the Ryoshoku system also aimed at better preparing the domain for war, by emphasising the military role of Karo members and moving the former Goyogatachu officers into military administrative roles.