著者
大井 知範
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.124, no.2, pp.177-209, 2015-02-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

This paper attempts to elicit the reality of the Hapsburg Empire's global seafaring prowess despite its reputation as a mainly continental power, in light of historical findings that an Imperial warship had been stationed in the seas of East Asia approximately 100 years ago. Research regarding Western navies stationed overseas has in the past focused largely on their use as a means of military competition or imperialistic ambitions toward the non-Western world. However, here the author points to another purpose with which warships were deployed overseas; namely, to serve as media for promoting international relations within the daily routine of peacetime conditions. After outlining the deployment system of warships outside of the region of Europe, and the reasons, circumstances and substance of the Hapsburg Empire's stationing of a warship in East Asian waters, the author turns to the specific duties of the ship, in particular, how it performed the very important duty of any Western navy in protecting its country's citizen and commercial interests in the region. However, since the Hapsburg Empire had no overseas interests or citizens to protect in East Asia, it was impossible for the Austro-Hungarians to set up a system of direct protection like that of the other major powers, due mainly to its unique position in having only a single warship to accommodate such needs. The author then addresses the subject of goodwill exchange, which he considers to be the most important daily routine of the Hapsburg warship, and looks there for the ultimate reason for stationing it in East Asian waters. Finally, he focuses on the military band on board the ship, in order to clarify the fact that the Hapsburg Empire was concerned in identifying with maritime coastal society in East Asia through the medium of music. The Hapsburg Empire thus intended to adapt to the imperial order as a major power in East Asia by carefully cultivating various daily peacetime routines.
著者
金子 龍司
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.125, no.12, pp.25-46, 2016 (Released:2018-01-28)

本稿は、太平洋戦争末期の娯楽政策について考察する。具体的にはサイパンが陥落した一九四四年七月に発足した小磯国昭内閣期以降終戦までの政策に注目する。 小磯内閣期の思想・文化統制については、先行研究により、東條内閣期の言論弾圧が見直されて言論暢達政策が採用され、思想・言論統制の緩和によって戦意昂揚を目指したことが指摘されている。娯楽統制についてもこの枠組みで語られ、従来強化一方だった統制がサイパン陥落・同内閣の成立を契機として一転して緩和されたと整理され、その画期性が指摘されている。 しかし、この統制緩和は小磯内閣が娯楽に対して講じた措置のひとつに過ぎないし、画期といっても、この統制緩和に限らなければ、娯楽への積極的な措置は小磯内閣発足以前からすでに講じられていた。つまり先行研究は、統制緩和の画期性を重視するあまり、小磯内閣の娯楽政策の全容を明らかにしておらず、しかも従前の政策との連続性も見過ごしているきらいがある。 したがって本稿は、小磯内閣期の娯楽政策をできるだけ詳しく分析することで右の二点を明らかにし、同政策を歴史的に位置づける試みを行う。具体的には、当事者たちの問題認識や政策決定過程や政策の実効性を検討材料とする。 本稿が明らかにするのは以下の事柄である。第一に、娯楽統制史上、小磯内閣期の統制緩和は個別の措置としてはたしかに画期的であったが、娯楽に対する積極的な姿勢や問題認識に関してはむしろ前内閣との連続性が目立っていたこと。第二に、政策の実効性といった観点からは、個別具体的な措置については一定の成果が見られ、戦争末期にあっても興行の機会は確保され盛況も珍しくなかったこと。第三に、それにもかかわらず、政策全体の評価としては、絶望化する戦況下で観客や興行者たちが娯楽を供給・享受して戦意昂揚に結びつけるだけの精神的余裕を失っていたため、失敗に終わったと結論せざるを得ないことである。
著者
堀川 康史
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.125, no.12, pp.1-24, 2016 (Released:2018-01-28)

応永2年(1395)閏7月、九州探題今川了俊は京都に召還され、翌年2月までに解任された。室町幕府の九州政策の大きな転換点となったこの解任劇は、足利義満期の政治史や地域支配を論じるうえで不可欠の事件として知られているが、その政治過程、とりわけ解任に至った理由・経緯については不明な点が少なくない。本稿は、1390年代前半の九州情勢との関わりを重視する立場から、これらの点について検討を加えるものである。 検討の結果、解任の理由は了俊と九州大名との協力関係の断絶とそれにともなう九州経営の崩壊に求められることが明らかになった。その経緯は以下の通りである。 まず両島津氏との関係について見ると、長く対立関係にあった了俊と両島津氏は、明徳2年(1391)に和平を結んだものの、探題派国人の権益保護と両島津氏との和平は両立せず、和平の成立後まもない時期から南九州では局地的紛争が発生した。了俊は反島津氏を掲げる南九州国人一揆の意向もあって和平の破棄を決断し、明徳5年(1394)2月以降、再び両島津氏との戦いに突入していった。 ついで大友氏との関係に目を転じると、応永初年に大友親世と有力庶家の田原・吉弘両氏の間で内訌が生じた際、了俊は反親世派を支援したことで親世と断交した。親世は大内義弘・両島津氏と結ぶことで了俊に対抗し、結果として応永2年までに了俊は大友・大内・両島津の三者と敵対関係に陥った。この九州大名との協力関係の断絶が、了俊の九州経営を崩壊に導いていくことになった。 最後に足利義満はというと、通説とは異なり京都召還の直前まで了俊を支援していた様子が読みとれる。しかし、有力大名が揃って了俊に敵対し、九州経営の崩壊が徐々に明らかになったことにより、最終的に義満は了俊の解任を決断したと考えられる。応永3年(1396)2月、渋川満頼の探題就任が九州諸氏に報じられ、20年以上に及んだ了俊の九州経営はここに終わりを迎えることになったのである。
著者
中島 楽章
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.113, no.12, pp.1967-2003, 2004-12-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

From the late 16^<th> to the early 17^<th> century, amidst the "Age of Commerce" in the East Asian maritime region, many Chinese, including merchants, smugglers, captives, and drifters, came to south-west Japan. Especially in Kyushu, where most of the Chinese arrived, not a few Chinese settlements were formed in various seaports and castle towns. In this paper, the author discusses emigrant Chinese intellectuals in this maritime region, by focusing on physicians who sojourned in south Kyushu. Nearby the castle town of Obi 飫肥, There are two epitaphs on gravestones of Xu Zhilin 徐之〓, who had served as a physician in Obi domain during the 17^<th> century. According to these epitaphs, Xu zhilin was borne in the gentry lineage of Shangyu 上虞 county of Zhejiang province. In 1619, He made a voyage to Beijing aspiring to pass the civil service examinations, but was captured by pirates along the way. He was first taken to Nagasaki, then later moved to Satsuma, where he learned medicine from a Chinese physician residing there. Five years later, He was invited by the lord of Obi domain to serve as one of his physicians until 1666. Concerning the pedigree of Xu Zhilin, except the two epitaphs, no available sources had been found in Japan. But I had found three editions of genealogies of Xu lineage in Shanghai Library which describe the family line of Xu Zhilin in detail, and accounts on ancestors of him are almost coincide with these of epitaphs. From these genealogies, we can ascertain that he actually was a member of elite, lineage producing numerous scholar officials from the 16^<th> century. From the late 16^<th> century onward, the lift of prohibition of private maritime trade remarkably stimulated the oversea trades with south Fujian as its node. Although the ban on voyages to Japan remained, many Fujian traders had sailed to Kyushu. Particularly, south Kyushu was gradually integrated into the network of Fujian merchants. Arrivals of many Chinese physicians were also one aspect of the expansion of the Fujian network, which accompanied transfers of culture, technology, and human resources. During 16^<th> and 17^<th> century, enormous amount of silver continued to flow onto the southeast coast region of China, particularly south Fujian, from Japan and the New World. The imported silver was gradually diffused all over China, and a considerable part of it went to Beijing as taxes, then thrown onto the frontier bases of the northern border region as military expenditures. As a result the influx of silver produced booming trade and economic prosperity in the maritime Asia and China's northern border. Numerous Chinese attracted by economic chances also flowed, into these regions as traders, peasants, soldiers, and various specialists. It should be noted that the Chinese who immigrated to foreign countries included marginal intellectuals such as lower literati, merchants, and physicians. They often served the military-commercial powers in those respective regions and countries, offered advanced Chinese cultures and technology, and mediated commercial or military negotiations between the Ming Dynasty and foreign powers. Arrivals of Chinese physicians in Japan were one phenomenon, of such emigration by Chinese marginal intellectuals during the "Age of Commerce" in East Asia.
著者
池田 勇太
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.115, no.6, pp.1041-1078, 2006

The present article attempts to clarify the birth of monarchical constitutionalism on the occasion of a debate over a popularly elected parliament in 1874, by focusing on Motoda Nagazane (or Eifu) 元田永孚, who was Emperor Meiji's tutor in Confucianism. The introduction of a constitutional polity in the absence of a government not only displayed the strong character of a modernization measure and was thought to realize a political society supported by the masses and open public opinion, but also a parliament, constitution and separation of the legislative and administrative branches of government were expected to solve real problems that existed in local administration and politics at the time. The article begins with an examination of the actions taken by the Governor of Fukushima Prefecture Yasuba Yasukazu 安場保和 in order to clarify the era's parliamentary movement against the background of local administration and to argue that the fair and just nature (ko 公) of a constitutional polity was thought to be identical to traditional Confucian political ideals. Secondly, the introduction of a constitutional polity at that point in time was not the result of power politics fought along vertical, class lines, but was rather a specific political expression of what the Restoration bureaucracy thought desirable. On the other hand, the introduction of such a polity under well-meaning auspices from above also meant that the bureaucracy did not always seek broad pluralistic opinions on the subject, but rather tended to make policy decisions in a more theoretical manner. The 1874 debate over a popularly elected parliament brought the issue of mass popular political participation to the forefront in terms of "joint rule by king and citizen." It was here that Motoda Eifu suggested that in a monarchical state it was necessary to make a distinction between "public opinion" and "the just argument," arguing that it was the monarch who should employ the latter. Any parliamentary system in which the monarch enjoys ultimate prerogative, moreover, demands that the monarch have the ability to exercise that prerogative properly, which necessitated the development of a system of imperial advisors and educators. At that time there was also the idea that the position of senior political advisor (genro 元老) should be created outside of the cabinet to perform such a function. Motoda, on the other hand, reformed such an idea based on the necessity of a monarch performing his duties with the final say within a constitutional polity. This is why it can be said that both monarchical constitutionalism and the establishment of the emperor's prerogative within it was born out of the 1874 debate over a popularly elected parliament.
著者
山中 恭子
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.90, no.10, pp.1481-1519,1618, 1981-10-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

Officially sealed orders (印判状) issued by the sengoku daimyo Go-Hojo can be divided into two distinct forms : those issued directly by the daimyo himself (直状式) ; and those which expressed the daimyo's wishes and were issued by his underlings (奉書式). In this essay, the author, as a result of an investigation into the particular characteristics of these two forms of sealed documents, is led to the following conclusions. First, the sealed orders issued by the daimyo's underlings, in principle, were issued on an individual basis to endow special rights and privileges. The attainment process for this type of order involved initial application to an underling who would in turn petition the daimyo himself. Therefore, this kind of order could only describe exceptional cases and not the general conditions of the time. Indeed, this form of document can be thought of as reflecting the reverse side of general conditions. In the case of sealed orders issued by the daimyo himself, issuance was not made through the petition of underlings, but rather at the initiative of the daimyo. This kind of order can be found distributed in multiplicate over a very wide area. Therefore, it can be considered as a form of document reflecting directly wide-spread, general historical realities. In this way, the positions of these two forms viv-a-vis historical reality can said to be in a state of 180° opposition. In other words, in the case of the sealed orders issued by the Go-Hojo during the Sengoku period, by simply ascertaining the form of a particular document, one can know whether it expresses general social conditions or exceptional cases. This presents an extremely fortunate set of circumstances for the historical researcher.
著者
久住 真也
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.109, no.6, pp.1143-1164,1256-, 2000

There are only a few studies written about the Choshu War at the end of the Tokugawa period from the view point of political history. The War finally deprived the Bakufu of its influence, and should be recognized as an important event in the political process between 1864 and 1866. It has been generally understood as a war between the Bakufu and Choshu, but one of the major purposes was to punish Choshu as traitors to the imperial court in Kyoto. Therefore, it is necessary to analyze the war as a political affair involving the court, the Bakufu and the clans. In this paper the author analyzes the process of Shogun Tokugawa Iemochi's departure from Edo on June 16, 1865 in order to attack Choshu, for the purpose of viewing the war as the result of contradiction and opposition in the form of government at that time. He conculdes that the Shogun's departure was created by political conflict among the court, the Bakufu and the clans, and also had another purpose to hold a meeting between the Shogun and the Emperor in Kyoto. It was Choshu that legitimized that Shogun'sdeparture. On the other hand, the Hitotsubashi, Aizu and Kuwana clans, which promoted political cooperation between the court and the Bakufu, thought that a meeting between the Shogun and the Emperor would be effective and urgent. They persuaded the court to approve the Shogun's departure meeting with the Emperor in Kyoto. The policy toward the ChoShu would be decided by the form of government. It would also produce a great effect on the Bakufu and the form of government.
著者
上里 隆史
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.114, no.7, pp.1179-1211, 2005-07-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

This article investigates the migration of Japanese in the China Sea region, especially in and around Naha, the capital of the Kingdom of Ryukyu, between the 16th and 17th centuries. Previous research on the Japan-Ryukyu relations during medieval times has chiefly focused on the diplomatic relations between the Muromachi government, the Shimazu family of Satsuma, and the Ryukyus. It goes without saying, however, that the focus on state trade alone does not fully explain the historical relations between the two states. It is also necessary for us to consider such private aspects of trade as the activities of people who participated as well as recent findings on medieval maritime trade for a proper understanding of the relationship between medieval Japan and the Ryukyus. The migration of people from Japan to the Ryukyu Islands dates back to the 15th century. The "Ryukyu Kokuzu 琉球国図", a map of the Kingdom in those days depicts Japanese and Ryukyuans living together in Naha. According to the genealogical data on the Ryukyus, Japanese who had emigrated there during the 16th and 17th centuries through the transportation mode which had evolved at that time, can be divided into three groups, based on their places of origin: Kinai, Hokuriku, Kyushu groups. Those people were probably maritime merchants who commuted between the Ryukyus and Japan, but resided permanently in the Ryukyus and engaged in certain occupations, such as the administration of Naha, foreign affairs, medicine, and the tea ceremony. As for the structure of the port city of Naha, Naha-Yomachi 那覇四町, literally, the four townships of Naha, had developed on the fringe of the Chinese settlement of Kumemura 久米村, which was the core of Naha. The fact that Japanese institutions, such as a Shinto shrine, were located on the periphery of Naha-Yomachi shows that, like the goddess Mazu 媽祖 for the Chinese people, Naha was one of the overseas territories of Japanese merchants. Japanese immigrants resided together with Ryukyuans in Naha-Yomachi. During the 16th century, wajin (倭人), or armed Japanese merchants would throng into Naha in quest of the Chinese goods when ever Chinese envoys visited the Ryukyus. The Ryukyu royal government tried to restrict armaments, but failed. Japanese trading facilities called Nihon Kan 日本館 were set up in Naha. During the latter half of the 16th century, Kumemura, the center of Naha and the Chinese settlement, declined, while Naha-Yomachi prospered. During this period, the trade route between Japan and Fujian via Manila was established based on the active circulation of Japanese and new continental silver and Chinese raw silk. The Ryukyus functioned in it as an entrepot between Japan and Manila. It has been thought that the route from the Ryukyus to Southeast Asia was completely abolished in 1570, however, this is not true, for the Ryukyus changed its form of trade from state-sponsored trade to private trade carried out by wajin maritime merchants. The Ryukyus thus become a node connecting East to Southeast Asia.
著者
草生 久嗣
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.109, no.7, pp.1297-1318,1429-, 2000-07-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

Several attempts have been made by scholars to interpret the Bogomils. J.Gouillard(1965)and A.Rigo(1989)have regarded them as members of Byzantine mysticism. H.G.Beck(1993)explained them as ordinary men who led a life with holy modesty and with an attitude of passive resistance against the extravagant Orthodox church. However, many scholars have thought them to be one type of dualist heretic or a revival of the Manichaeans, following St.Runciman(1947), D.Angelov(1947)and D.Obolensky(1948). The author believes that the Bogomils were not only a group of intellectuals, but also an expression of contemporary theological and social problems in 12th century Byzantine History. However, if we presuppose the Bogomils to have been like a school of thought, dualists or mystics or whatever, we cannot understand the real Bogomils on the historical scene. When we examine a social problem regarding"heresy", we have to understand first the reasons why contemporaries treated someone as a heretic. The author, focusing on this way of understanding and treating the Bogomils, surveys them in trials held during the first half of the 1100's in Constantinople. In so doing, this article shows several points that differ from the views of former theses. First, 12^<th> Century contemporaries were unaware of the two precedent sources, the Presbyter Cosmas's Discourse against the Heresy of Bogomil and the Euthymius of Acmonia's Contra Phundagiagites. Secondly, the name"Bogomils"is just one of the criminal labels, which the Orthodox-Byzantines could apply to non-conformers arbitrarily. Thirdly, for the Byzantines, Gnostical cosmology or demonology was not an essential element of the teaching of the Bogomils. There is no identity with thought, theology, moral-code, sectarian movement under the label of Bogomils. On the other hand, in the trials at Constantinople, we find that all of the accused Bogomils equally respected monastic life. The Bogomil-problem first appeared on the official documents after the 10^<th> century. From that time, the power of the monasteries rose, and the number of monks increased. From antiquity, Monks had been very popular in the Byzantine Empire. There were some deviational monks prior to this period, but the subsequent increase in"bonafide"monks also brought its faire share of deviants. This caused growing concern for the Orthodox Church, and in particular regarding their non-controlled activities. If some of them preached heterodoxical sermons to the people, heresy could be easily spread. The insecurity of the Church can be seen clearly in contemporary sources. In conclusion, Byzantines constructed a new type framework for understanding heresy, namely"the Bogomils". They thought deviational monks should be controlled under the heretical label of"Bogomils"as a tool for moral control. In the Constantinople in the 1100's, they were not considered to be dualists. The Bogomils were an indicator of the existence of behavioral problem in those days.
著者
板垣 哲夫
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.86, no.11, pp.1597-1628,1689-, 1977-11-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

By examining with whom and how frequently Okubo Toshimichi met with different people during the December 1867 (Keio 3)-March 1877 (Meiji 10) period, the author has come to the following conclusions about Okubo's political relationships. First, his political relations with court nobles and feudal lords (daimyo) who had held high places in the traditional hierarchy of status and authority, including Iwakura Tomomi and Sanjo Sanetomi, became gradually estranged. The decline of the influence of nobles and feudal lords in politics and the contrasting rise of Okubo's influence can be regarded as causes of that trend. Second, Okubo's relations with those who came from the same Kagoshima clan were very intimate throughout this period. After around January 1876, however, he came to rely slightly less on these relations, because with his rise in politics it became more and more possible for him to win over competent officials directly without using intermediaries based on factional ties. Third, those who came from the Yamaguchi, Saga and Kochi clans worked in cooperation with Okubo during the period of the Boshin Wars. After the Boshin Wars antagonism between Okubo and Kido Takayoshi increased. At the same time opposition to the government led by these two men increased from those outside the government. Many men from these three clans played important roles in this arena of political rivalry, and it seems that the inclination towards supporting Okubo was comparatively strong among those from Saga compared to the other two clans. As his relations with the Kido group improved from around December 1870 and the centralization of the government increased, the number of officials from the three clans who attempted to secure closer relations with Okubo increased gradually. However, this trend was also influenced by Okubo's rivalry with the Kido group, the Saigo group and others in the government. Especially after the debate on the expedition to Korea, the status of Okubo rose while the strength of those who had opposed him declined and officials from the three clans tried to consolidate their relations with Okubo. Fourth, clans other than Kagoshima, except for the above-mentioned three, had relatively few persons of importance in the government. Few from such clans played important roles in the political rivalries after the Boshin Wars to 1871. On the whole the relationships between Okubo and those from such clans were not intimate. But as his political status rose rapidly after the expedition to Korea debate, many of them developed closer relationships with him as officials in the middle rank. Fifth, those who had intimate political relations with Okubo shifted, from those who held a high rank in pre-Restoration organizations to those in lower ranks.