著者
小池 求
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.118, no.9, pp.1620-1643, 2009-09-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

As one condition of the program instituted under the Boxer Protocol of 7 September 1901, the emperor of China was required to make a formal apology to the emperor of Germany for the murder of Baron von Ketteler in Beijing during the Boxer uprising. However, the Qing Dynasty's decision to send a mission of expiation to Germany was motivated less by the rules of the Protocol than an intention to improve relations between the two countries, while Germany's main intent was to receive a formal apology for Ketteler's murder. This divergence in expectations would greatly complicate negotiations over how the audience between the Chinese ambassador and the German emperor was to be conducted and cause increased friction between the two countries. The problems concerning the audience decorum involved 1) the submission of an official communique, which Prince Chun 醇 was to perform in the presence of Wilhelm II and 2) the German demand that the Chinese "kowtow" at the emperor's feet as a sign of apology. The Chinese vehemently protested the demand to "kowtow" as an act of "national disgrace." As the negotiations bogged down, the original Chinese expectations about the mission were dashed. The Qing government desired the use of a precedent established in 1896 when Li Hongzhang 李鴻章 was granted an audience before Wilhelm II and submitted to him a formal letter; but the German emperor insisted that Prince Chun's Chinese retinue kowtow, despite initial opposition by his own Bureau of Foreign Affairs. Upon the advice of diplomats who had directly experienced life at the Qing Court, the Bureau argued that since the kowtow was a religious act, it was inappropriate within the realm of international diplomacy, showing that there were concerned parties in both countries who were willing to compromise via diplomatic precedents and interpretations. Wilhelm II did heed the criticism offered by his diplomats and public opinion, showing a disposition to compromise, but giving into such pressure also threatened to demean his imperial authority. Therefore, resolving the "kowtow problem" required some gesture from the Chinese, which appeared in the form of a prodigious appeal to the emperor from Prince Chun to graciously excuse his Chinese retinue from kowtowing, which freed the Germans to relent without any loss of face on the part of their emperor. It was in this way that through a compromise between the two countries on the question of diplomatic ceremony, the problems surrounding the mission of expiation were solved prior to the signing of the Boxer Protocol.
著者
細川 武稔
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.113, no.12, pp.2004-2024, 2004-12-20

The present article focuses on prayer rituals performed by temples of the Zen Sect in order to shed light on the relationship between that Sect and the Muromachi Bakufu and on the character of the mechanism of Bakufu-designated official temples (kanji 官寺), which tied the Zen sect, especially the five great temples of Kyoto (Gozan 五山), closely to the Bakufu. The author identifies three separate systems of prayer (kito 祈祷) : one centered on the kanji organization of the Gozan-Jissatsu-Shozan temple hierarchy, one made up of Bakufu-designated "prayer temples" (kiganji 祈願寺) and one centered around the Ashikaga family temple of Shokokuji 相国寺. At the time of the founding of the Bakufu, the kanji temples of Kyoto were ordered to conduct prayer rituals, but no preparation was made at that time to have similar rituals conducted in the provinces. The shoguns issued directives recognizing temples as kiganji to supplement the kanji organization ; and later these temples were gradually absorbed into the kanji hierarchy as they spread throughout the country, being perceived as the system of prayer for the unified aristocrat-warrior Muromachi regime. However, this prayer order went through tremendous change with the building of Shokokuji by the third shogun, Yoshimitsu, as Zen priests of this Ashikaga family temple (bodaiji 菩提寺) were requested to perform prayer rituals in honor of the shogun's birthday, pray in the Kannon Room of the Shogun's residence, and conduct specially requested ceremonies. In other words, Shokokuji was preferred to such temples as Nanzenji 南禅寺 and Tenryuji 天龍寺, which were ranked above even the kanji hierarchy. Taking the leadership in the organization of the prayer system was the Inryoshiki 蔭涼職 (the shogun's major domo) in cooperation with the Rokuon-Soroku 鹿苑僧録, the registrar and supervisor of the kanji organization. Although Shokokuji developed into the nucleus of the three prayer systems, the kanji organization was indispensable due to its traditional ties to the public and state aspects of the imperial court, thus making it possible for two different systems to stand side-by-side, indicating how the Bakufu made the Zen Sect serve its purposes in both its public and private spheres.
著者
谷口 雄太
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.122, no.12, pp.2019-2042, 2013-12-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

This article addresses a number of questions about the Ashikaga Clan that have remained unclarified in the research to date: namely, Who made up that Clan? What is meant by the Ashikagas being as a "clan" (ichimon 一門) ? What does "the Ashikagas becoming a clan" mean? By reexaming these questions, the author hopes to better understand how the Ashikaga period came to a destructive end. The author begins by showing that the heretofore vaguely used term Ashikaga-shi Goikka 足利氏御一家 has been used in the two different senses of Ashikaga Gosanke (Three Branches of the Ashikaga Family) and Ashikaga Ichimon. And about the comment by the Tokis of the Sengoku period--After the Goikka, I am the leader of the all the other families, the author shows that "Goikka" means Ashikaga Ichimon. Secondly, the author reexamines the similarly vague term "Ashikaga Ichimon" by identifying its members from the available medieval historiography. One characteristic feature that has not been noticed to date is that both the Nitta Branch of the Minamoto Clan and the Yoshimi Family were included among its members. In particular, 1) the Nittas regarded themselves as members from the very beginning, since the Ashikaga Clan was essentially part of "the Yoshikuni branch of the Minamoto Clan"; and 2) the perception that the Nittas did not consider themselves part of the Ashikaga Clan can be traced back to the exclusive self-identity "ware-ware 我々" consciousness described in the Taiheiki 太平記. Next, after stating that there is yet no piece of research that has tried to present the Ashikaga Clan in a holistic fashion, but should be, the author shows from the medieval historiography that the above-mentioned perception of the Tokis that the Ashikaga Clan surpassed in status and prestige all other warrior clans was universally widespread during the Ashikaga period. Finally, the author inquires as to why such families as the Miyoshis and Odas of the Sengoku Period tried to debunk and alter the above-mentioned perception of the Ashikaga Clan's superiority, concluding that it was necessary to first switch the prerequisite for "changing the system from above" from kinship (i.e., membership in the Ashikaga Clan) to actual organizational ability as one indispensable step in the destruction of the existing order.
著者
一ノ瀬 俊也
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.112, no.8, pp.1370-1385, 2003

The intent of the present article is to analyze "histories" compiled by each regiment in the Japanese army from the Russo through the Sino-Japanese wars, concluding that such works were nothing the Sino-Japanese wars, concluding that such works were nothing but attempts to praise "the heroic past" and provide a means to instill such a consciousness in both the troops and society in general.The historical remembrances of the Russo-Japanese conflict were more and more emphasized with the outbreak of the First World War and the anti-war and anti-militarization movement that accompanied it.The descriptions of those who had died in past conflict were intended to stir the emotions of the troops and provide a route by which to legitimized "dying forons's country".Even on the local level during that time, "memorials to veterans" of both wars were compiled with the similar intention of establishing a forum upon which to instill a common sentiment about the viewpoints and logic of the military within local society.After the outbreak of the Manchurian Incident, "regimental histories" took on two distinct forms.The first consisted of memoirs concerning the victorious history of the Russo-and Sino-Japanese Wars, which in addition to insisting upon Japan's legitimate claim to Manchuria, tried to prove that even the Japanese people, who had not really experienced a genuine war since the Russo-Japanese conflict and had become used to peace, could indeed win another full-scale war, thus playing a role in attempts to instill"definite behavior patterns" and encourage the country's fighting spirit.The second contained contemporary regiment-by-regiment accounts of the Manchurina Incident told from the personal views of individual combatants with the intention of verifying the regiment's consciousness concerning the Incident, encouraging further sacrifices for the cause, and appsaling to society at large.The veteran memorial literature published on the local level at that time were compiled with a similar intent in mind, attempting like during World War I to instill military ideals and persuasive logic into society at large.
著者
屋良 健一郎
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.121, no.11, pp.1839-1874, 2012-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

The island of Tanegashima, which is located south of the Osumi Pennisula of southern Kyushu is best known as the portal for the initial entry of firearms into Japan and the first manufacturer of Japanese-made firearms and has in the research to date been studied almost exclusively in that light, including studies of the Island's feudal lords, the Tanegashima Clan. Although there is some very specialized research on the Tanegashima Clan as locally based land proprietors (kokujin 国人) who went through a process of subjugation to the Shimazu Clan, the characteristic features of the Tanegashimas have yet to be sufficiently explored. The Tanegashimas, who occupied a territory between the ruling feudal lords of Satsuma Province, the Shimazu Clan, and the kingdom of the Ryukyu Islands, should be considered as having a unique character in the light of such geographical circumstances. The present article is an attempt to place the Tanegashima Clan within the context of the southern Kyushu maritime world as it existed during the late medieval period. By virtue of their military alliance with the Shimazu Clan which resulted in their consequent control of the islands to the south of Kyushu, the Tanegashimas were given the opportunity to engage with merchant ships and Chinese junks and participate in trade with the Ryukyu Kingdom. Consequently, the Tanegashimas were able to obtain foreign manufactures; and following their conversion during the latter half of the 15th century to the Nichiren Sect of Buddhism, came to enjoy personal contact and exchange with figures in the capital region, and in the process of fostering ties of mutual friendship, the leading aristocrats and samurai commanders residing in Kyoto found a new source of foreign goods. It should be specially noted that those who came to the islands from the capital region were enthusiastically recruited as vassals by the Tanegashima Clan. This "Kyoto connection" was invaluable in negotiating and securing Shimazu Takahisa's appointment to the prestigious post of Shuri Daibu (Minister of Public Works) in 1551. In the background to the Tanegashima Clan's intimate "Kyoto connection" and its knowledge and technical know-how regarding arms production lay its close relations to the Shimazu Clan, but such relations were by no mean exclusionary, as the Tanegashimas actively sought contact with other feudal lords. Regarding the Ryukyu Kingdom, it was during the reign of its second king, Shoshin (1477-1526), that the monarch assumed an attitude of superiority over the surrounding islands, but continued to trade with the Tanegashimas, despite their "inferiority". In the background of Tanegashima Tadatoki's trade relations with the Ryukyus probably lay the desire to obtain from that kingdom goods that the Hosokawa Clan was importing to the Ming Dynasty, as evidenced by the alliance formed with Hosokawa Takatoki, who was an important figure in the promotion of Sino-Japanese trade relations. The author is also of the opinion that the socalled attempt by Ouchi Yoshitaka to blockade Tanegashima's ships should rather be interpreted as an attempt to intercept the ships being sent to China by Hosokawa Harumoto. From the standpoint of the family as a force in maritime foreign trade due to its geographical location, the Tanegashima Clan should be considered in the light of its multilateral diplomatic ties to the other powerful players in Japan's southern maritime region.
著者
大井 知範
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.124, no.2, pp.177-209, 2015-02-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

This paper attempts to elicit the reality of the Hapsburg Empire's global seafaring prowess despite its reputation as a mainly continental power, in light of historical findings that an Imperial warship had been stationed in the seas of East Asia approximately 100 years ago. Research regarding Western navies stationed overseas has in the past focused largely on their use as a means of military competition or imperialistic ambitions toward the non-Western world. However, here the author points to another purpose with which warships were deployed overseas; namely, to serve as media for promoting international relations within the daily routine of peacetime conditions. After outlining the deployment system of warships outside of the region of Europe, and the reasons, circumstances and substance of the Hapsburg Empire's stationing of a warship in East Asian waters, the author turns to the specific duties of the ship, in particular, how it performed the very important duty of any Western navy in protecting its country's citizen and commercial interests in the region. However, since the Hapsburg Empire had no overseas interests or citizens to protect in East Asia, it was impossible for the Austro-Hungarians to set up a system of direct protection like that of the other major powers, due mainly to its unique position in having only a single warship to accommodate such needs. The author then addresses the subject of goodwill exchange, which he considers to be the most important daily routine of the Hapsburg warship, and looks there for the ultimate reason for stationing it in East Asian waters. Finally, he focuses on the military band on board the ship, in order to clarify the fact that the Hapsburg Empire was concerned in identifying with maritime coastal society in East Asia through the medium of music. The Hapsburg Empire thus intended to adapt to the imperial order as a major power in East Asia by carefully cultivating various daily peacetime routines.
著者
田中 美穂
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.111, no.10, pp.1646-1668, 2002-10-20