著者
長沢 利明
出版者
国立歴史民俗博物館
雑誌
国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.145, pp.373-412, 2008-11

現存する農民市としては東京都内最古の存在である世田谷のボロ市は、一五七八年(天正六年)における後北条氏の市立掟書の存在によって、そのことを確かめうる重要な地位を占めているが、当初よりそれは典型的な六斎市として成立していた。北条氏の没落した近世期には年に一度の歳の市となったが、彦根藩領内にあって代官の支配・統制下に置かれることとなった。近代期には村方の運営する農民市となり、改暦によって一月・一二月の二度の市立ともなっていったが、明治期にはボロ布市・筵市として知られるようになり、大正期には植木市としての発展もみた。近代産業の勃興と交通網の整備を通じ、前近代的な商品取引はしだいに一掃され、市場商人と地元との親密で特殊な相互関係も解消されていくこととなり、第二次大戦後には暴力団系テキヤ組織の介入を許す余地を与えることとなった。それゆえ戦後の市立の民主的な改革は、それらとの対決なくして実現することができず、粘り強い努力を通じて地元民はついに一九六五年(昭和四〇年)、ついにこれを達成するに至った。この成果によって今日のボロ市の運営基盤が形作られ、市立の現代化がなされていった。今日の出店構成に関する実態調査結果からも、改革後の特色ある業種実態、出店者の広域化、地元主導型の民主的運営形態の定着といった諸傾向を、そこに明確に見い出すことができる。Setagaya Boroichi is the most famous rag fair, and the oldest peasant market in Tokyo district. It was opened at least 1528 in period of Houjou occupation. In that age, fair was held six times a month as a "Rokusai-ichi". The Houjou family had been giving the protection to a fair. After end of Houjou family's government, fair was became to ruled by Ii family which is one of feudal Daimyous in the modern ages from the 17th century. Ooba family, as a retainer of Ii clan, had been controlled during modern times. Then market day became once a year, and it was held 15th December. Most of peasants and farmers in Setagaya area went to fair, and they bought and sold the new year's decorations, various goods. Fair was held as "Toshi-no-ichi" , for preparing to new year. In 19th century in recent times, fair was called "Boroichi" that meant a rag fair. Many merchants came out to market with a large of rags and old clothes. Farmers living in and around the Setagaya produced a "waraji (straw sandals)" using it at materials. But waraji production was declined with diffusing shoes on life modernization at beginning of the 20th century. Fair turned to "mushiro (straw mat)" market or plants fair after that age. However that articles on fair lost merchantability and it was going to general merchandise market. After W. W. II, a band of thugs began to intervene to management of fair, same racketeers who ware subsidiary of gangster organization raise an act of violence. As a result of that, drove a fair into stoppage in December 1964. Afterward, inhabitants and merchants society of Setagaya united their selves firmly to corp with the gangster organization, police and administrative organ supported it. Thus , fair had been resumed in January 1965. Setagaya Boroichi recovered their composure and democratic, peaceful administration. It is growing to be a splendid market and sightseeing annual event today.
著者
長沢 利明
出版者
国立歴史民俗博物館
雑誌
国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Japanese History (ISSN:02867400)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.145, pp.373-412, 2008-11-30

現存する農民市としては東京都内最古の存在である世田谷のボロ市は、一五七八年(天正六年)における後北条氏の市立掟書の存在によって、そのことを確かめうる重要な地位を占めているが、当初よりそれは典型的な六斎市として成立していた。北条氏の没落した近世期には年に一度の歳の市となったが、彦根藩領内にあって代官の支配・統制下に置かれることとなった。近代期には村方の運営する農民市となり、改暦によって一月・一二月の二度の市立ともなっていったが、明治期にはボロ布市・筵市として知られるようになり、大正期には植木市としての発展もみた。近代産業の勃興と交通網の整備を通じ、前近代的な商品取引はしだいに一掃され、市場商人と地元との親密で特殊な相互関係も解消されていくこととなり、第二次大戦後には暴力団系テキヤ組織の介入を許す余地を与えることとなった。それゆえ戦後の市立の民主的な改革は、それらとの対決なくして実現することができず、粘り強い努力を通じて地元民はついに一九六五年(昭和四〇年)、ついにこれを達成するに至った。この成果によって今日のボロ市の運営基盤が形作られ、市立の現代化がなされていった。今日の出店構成に関する実態調査結果からも、改革後の特色ある業種実態、出店者の広域化、地元主導型の民主的運営形態の定着といった諸傾向を、そこに明確に見い出すことができる。
著者
長沢 利明
出版者
[西郊民俗談話会]
雑誌
西郊民俗 (ISSN:09110291)
巻号頁・発行日
no.204, pp.1-10, 2008-09
著者
長沢 利明
出版者
The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)
雑誌
東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1981, no.46, pp.172-151, 1981-08-25 (Released:2010-11-30)
参考文献数
6

This report presents the results of a study conducted in the lJmama town, in the Yamada-gun, in Gunma Prefecture. The study, which centered on the Gion Festival held in )mama, placed particular emphasis on the special characteristics of the folk music found there, as manifested in the percussion ensembles. Omama has long been prosperous as an important trade center, and the Gion Festival held there is in honor of the local market dieties, who are enshrined in the Yasaka Shrine. The festival is held each year during the first three days of August, with manyv isitors from neighboringa reas comingt o watch and enjoy the lively atmosphere. As part of the celebration, six stage wagons ( dashi), one from each district of the town, are wheeled through the s treets, each bearing an ensemble of festival musicians. This report deals with the performance practices of the percussionists in these ensembles. The main points are outlined below.1 Concerning music for the taiko drums, several patterned sequences were identifiedi, n cluding Santeko, Kiri, Tama, Hirabayashi, N imba and Amadare.T hese patterns are executed by four children playing small taiko drums and one adult playing a large taiko drum. Each of these patterns may also be played in combination with a flute (fue) and small hand gong (kane).2 Variations in performance practice can be seen from district to district for most of the patterns, although the Santeko pattern is an exception, and is performed in exactly the same way in all six districts.3 Comparison of these variations reveals that the patterns in the fifth district are relatively complex, and seem to have a closer link to older traditional styles, while patterns in the fourth district are somewhat simplified and abbreviated.4 When considering the reasons why such variations evolved, importance must be attributed to the social structure of the Gin Festival itself, with each district virtually autonomous and each performance ensemble carrying on its tradition from generation to generation in an independent manner. The handing down of the performance tradition, and the training and cultivation of new musicians, are the responsibility of each individual district, and it is therefore not surprising that variations in performance practice arise.