著者

隋 藝

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.2, pp.029-057, 2019-09

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During the early 1950s, the Communist Party of China launched the “Three-Anti Campaign” (“San-fan” Yundong 「三反」運動) against corruption, waste and bureaucratic red tape. This article is an attempt to trace the development process of the Movement, by focusing on the regional and geopolitical situation in northeastern China; then tries to clarify the actual mentalities and behavioral responses of the general public to the Movement, by taking up the case of how the people of northeast China tried to adapt to it. It was in 1949 that there first appeared in northeast China activities intended to combat growing corruption within the CPC; but such direct action was prevented from evolving into a full-blown political movement by the necessity to expand production in response to the outbreak of the Korean War. Then in the summer of 1950, as the Korean War entered a stalemate, a movement to increase production through austerity (Zengchan Jieyue Yundong 增產節約運動) was launched, while political mobilization in the form of a “Two-Anti Campaign” (“Er-fan” Yundong「二反」運動) also was initiated. Later, the two fronts were merged into the “Three-Anti Campaign” and then escalated into the Party practice called “tiger-hunting” (dahu 打虎), involving coercing members of the general public to come forth and inform on corrupt Party officials, forcing confessions from the accused through various forms of torture, in order to meet quotas set for the number of offenders. As the general public became more and more embroiled in such an escalating oppressive political environment, a typical response to the call for austerity would involve people hiding anything that might appear expensive, including coats and shoes, and donning the plainest apparel they could find, to give the appearance of compliance. Others pleaded guilty (even if falsely charged), promising to repent, in order to mitigate the full brunt of the fear and violence perpetrated by the Movement. And then there were the opportunists, who tried to curry favor with the authorities by false accusations and acts of violence directed at their rivals. On the other hand, concerning how officials accused of similar offenses should be dealt with, the opinions of the government agencies employing the accused showed a modicum of leniency. That is to say, the Movement did not become so unruly that it threatened to completely destroy the human bonds supporting local everyday life, for even during the height of the Movement’s vehemence, we can still observe plenty of attempts at mutual protection based on intimate human relationships.

著者

隋 藝

出版者

一般社団法人中国研究所

雑誌

中国研究月報 (ISSN:09104348)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.69, no.11, pp.1-21, 2015-11-25

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1948年11月から1950年10月にかけて,遼寧省における反共産党勢力の取り締まりなどの大衆工作は,従来の階級闘争の形では展開せず,中国共産党の公安部門がリードし,反対勢力を排除したのちに民衆に対する宣伝を行う構造となった。こうした従来の共産革命と離れた大衆工作は,闘争による社会の混乱を避けたが,革命原理に基づいた大衆運動からのエネルギーの獲得や,古い社会関係の打破と新たな階級関係の再編も容易にはできなくなり,民衆に対する中共のイデオロギー操作も一層難しくなった。本稿では,遼寧省の瀋陽市を中心に大衆工作を検討して,中共による平時建設のための都市社会の再編と革命原理の矛盾を浮き彫りにする。