著者

青山 佐喜子 高田 修代 藤原 耕三

出版者

一般社団法人日本調理科学会

雑誌

調理科学 (ISSN:09105360)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.1, pp.8-14, 1992-02-20

被引用文献数

1

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エリストールとしょ糖の混合溶液及びエリストールを各種調理に用いた場合のし好について官能検査を行い次の結果を得た。1.しょ糖溶液7%を基準にその甘味の25%、50%、75%、100%をエストリールで置き換えた場合に25%置き換えた試料とエリストールだけの試料の収れん味と総合評価の項目には、5%の危険率で有意差があったが、その他の項目にはなかった。2.レモンスカッシュのような酸味のある飲料にエリストールを用いた場合は、しょ糖とし好の差はなく、しょ糖濃度約12%と低いため低温でも溶解しやすく、飲料はエリストールの利用に適していると考えられた。3.ゼリーは甘味だけの場合、酸味を加えた場合とも、各項目についてしょ糖との間にし好の差はなかった。4.アイスクリームやシャーベットのようなエリストールを冷凍する場合には硬くなる傾向がみられたが、甘味を50%置換した場合にはその傾向は少なく、冷菓において、甘味の一部にエリストールを用いることは可能であると思われた。5.水ようかんはしょ糖濃度が高く、冷やして食するためにエリストールだけでは利用できなかった。甘味の50%をエリストールで置換した試料(SE)の総合評価は5%の危険率で好まれなかった。6.しるこの甘味の20%、40%をエリストールに置き換えた場合、エリストール40%の試料(SE40%)は、口ざわりが好まれず、しょ糖より後味が乏しく感じられた。しかし、エリストール20%の試料(SE20%)としょ糖には差はなかった。7.一般のそう菜に利用した場合、エリストールの甘味質があっさりしているため、他の調味料の味が後味として残る傾向があると思われた。日常の低甘味度での煮物や酢の物にしょ糖の一部または全部を置き換えてエリストールを用いることが可能であった。

著者

高田 修

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.253, pp.1-38, 1968-03-30

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1. Introduction. 2. Priest Kūkai's Rôle in Building the Lecture Hall and Setting up its Statues. 3. The Twenty-one Statues in the Lecture Hall and their Arrangement. a. Identification of the Statues, Especially of a Group of Five Bodhisattvas. b. The Original Arrangement. 4. A Unique Mandala-like Composition of Twenty-one Statues and the Mandala for the Benevolent King Sutra Ritual. a. An Outline of the Usual Mandala for the Benevolent King Sutra Ritual. b. A Group of Five Vidyārājas in the Lecture Hall and in the Mandala System. c. A Group of Five Bodhisattvas and their Relation to the Five Quarter Bodhisattvas in the same System. d. Iconography of the Guardian Image in the Lecture Hall: Brahmā and Indra, and Four Lokapālas. 5. The Original Vajrayānistic Meanings of the Images in the Lecture Hall. 1. The construction of the Lecture Hall of the Tōji (Kyōōgokuji) was started in 825 and was completed toward the end of 834 under the supervision of Priest Kūkai. In 1486 the original hall was destroyed by fire and the present one was rebuilt after that time. But it seems that the latter retains the original dimensions rather well. Housed in the building are five Buddhas, five Bodhisattvas, five Vidyārājas, Brahmā and Indra, and four Lokapālas. Except for the six images (five Buddhas and the central Bodhisatt. va), the rest of the existing statues are originals made in the ninth century for this hall. Although they contain repaired parts, they occupy a very important position in the history of Japanese art as the earliest works of sculpture of Esoteric Buddhism. These statues are orderly arranged and form a three-dimensional Karma-mandala. It has long been said to be a mandala particular to the Jênwang-ching (Benevolent King Sutra) ritual. But it does not necessarily correspond with its Kalpa (ritual practice manual), Jên-wang-ching-i-kuei (Taisho 994), the translation of which into Chinese is attributed to Amoghavajra, thus causing some present-day scholars to doubt this theory. The author of the present paper attempts to reexamine the arrangement of the statues in the hall and to determine the peculiarity of the plan of the mandala and its Esoteric Buddhist singnificance by refering to many historical documents and Buddhist literary materials. 2. While the Tōji was under construction it was given to Kūkai by the imperial court in 823. The construction of the Lecture Hall was his first task in the Tōji. But the plan of the architecture had already been settled by the court and it seems that he just followed it. What he could do to realize his own ideals based on the new religion which he had brought from T'ang China was in the plan of the design of the mandala consisting of the statues in the Lecture Hall. Therefore, though their completion took place in 829, four years after his death, the selection, form and arrangement of the statues could safely be said to have been the innovation of Kūkai himself. 3. The twenty-one statues in the hall have had traditional names since an early date. As for most of the images, the identification yields no room for question. But in the case of the five Bodhisattavas the identification is not yet settled. According to the author, they are the head Bodhisattvas of the five sections of Vajradhātu-mandala. Four of these five Bodhisattvas show forms identical with or very close to those of the Catur-mudrā-mandala (one of the nine subsidiary mandalas of the Vajradhātu). But the central one, Vajrapāramitā (Vajravajri), seems to be based on the Bodhisattva of the same name in the Kalpa of the Jên-wang-ching. The present arrangement of the twenty-one statues is what was formed after the fire in the fifteenth century and it cannot be regarded as the original one. As for the arrangement before the fire, there exist today three drawings of plans of the tenth, twelfth and fourteenth centuries respectively. It is to be noted that there are some differences even among these three drawings. These differences must have been due to the changed arrangements which took place when large-scale repair programs were carried out. The oldest one among the three drawings (dated 922), which was made by Shinjaku, differs clearly from the others in that the positions and combinations of the images are quite rational. For instance, it places the three corresponding deities, Aksobhya (Buddha), Vajrasattva (Bodhisattva) and Trailokyavijaya (Vidyārāja) in the direction of the southeast. This sort of rational arrangement must have been the original idea of the initial planner whose design was intended to form a unified mandala. Moreover, it is noteworthy that this drawing was made no later than about eighty years after the completion of these statues. It shows most probably their original arrangement. 4. The next question is what kind of mandala was intended to be composed here. Is the heretofore most prevailing theory that it was a Jênwang-ching mandala acceptable? Roughly speaking, there are two types of Jên-wang-ching mandala : one consisting of five Bodhisattvas based on the Jên-wang-ching sutra of the older translation, and the other in which the main images are the five Vidyārājas formed after the practice manual of the Jên-wang-ching of the later translation. Both of these were used in the ritual practice for such purposes as promoting peace and welfare in the state as well as for overcoming supposed enemies. But, the arrangement of deities in the Lecture Hall of the Tōji cannot be regarded as a usual Jên-wang-ching mandala as it includes five Buddhas which are referred to neither in the sutra nor the practice manual of it, and as the five Bodhisattvas here are the head Bodhisattvas of the Vajradhātu-mandala. Here we should pay attention to a set of five ink drawings attributable to the five-direction deities mentioned in Jên-wang-ching. They are supposed to have been brought back from China by Kūkai and are now preserved in the Daigoji and in the Tōji in the shape of faithful copies. They illustrate one by one the deities of the five directions—the four cardinal directions and the center-each treating two Bodhisattvas (the Vajrapāņi type and the usual type), one Vidyārāja, and one of the five guardian deities (Indra and four Lokapālas). For the most part, they correspond to the range of deities in the Lecture Hall of the Tōji and, in addition to that, the five Vidyārājas illustrated here have almost the same form as those in the Lecture Hall. We might safely assume that the kinds of deities in the Lecture Hall were determined in reference to this set of drawings. If this is true, the general idea shows that it was derived from the Jên-wang-ching mandala. The problem here, however, is that the five Bodhisattvas in the Lecture Hall take the appearence of the head Bodhisattvas of Vajradhātu-mandala as mentioned above and do not correspond with the five Bodhisattvas referred to in the practice manual of Jên-wang-ching sutra. But, the central one, Vajrapāramitā is apparently a Bodhisattva of this sutra and the others also embody some elements which can be connected with the Jên-wang-ching ritual. Moreover, according to the doctrine of Esoteric Buddhism, these five Bodhisattvas correspond to the five Bnddhas and the five Vadyārājas concerned. In other words, the primary images in the Lecture Hall, consisting of three groups of five deities, are nothing but the five substantial Buddhas and their two types of transfiguration, the Bodhisattvas as instructive being and the Vadyārājas as protectors. This indicates that the primary images in the Lecture Hall of the Tōji have dual characteristics based on the Vajradhātu ritual and the Jên-wang-ching ritual. As to the six guardian figures, five of them (Indra and four Lokapālas) follow what is mentioned in Jên-wang-ching. The other guardian figure, Brahmā, was probably added to make a symmetrical arrangement and to retain the traditional combination of Indra and Brahmā. Thus this mandala formed by the twenty-one orderly arranged statues has a double meaning, yet the system of Jên-wang-ching mandala is predominant. 5. All the signs point to the likelihood that the planner of such a mandala system cannot but have been Kūkai. Certainly Kūkai must have prepared several tentative plans for the arrangement of the deities in the Lecture Hall. A unique mandala called “Daishi Honzon Zu (Mandala Scheme made by Kūkai)”, which seems to be the work of Kūkai, is possibly one of them. This mandala puts emphasis on Buddhas and Bodhisattvas while the five Vadyārājas have only minor significance. It may be the result of placing importance on the Shou-hu-kuo-chieh-chu-ching (Sutra of the Protection of the State Lord; Taisho 997), one of the sutras promoting the peace of the state. A scheme showing the relationship of deities as written in 839 by Shinnen, a disciple of Kūkai, must have been one of the tentative plans as well. Here the elements of the Jên-wang-ching ritual are predominant, and this scheme is very close to the actual arrangement of the Lecture Hall deities. This fact leads us to assume that it become virtually final plan. The composition of the deities for the Lecture Hall's unusual mandala was thus decided, and the plan was fulfilled after his death. Thus Kūkai intended to make the hall the center of his newly introduced Esoteric practices that were carried on as prayers for the peace and welfare of the state. It was closely related to his efforts to meet the demands of the Early Heian Period when the prevalent thought was the protection of the state by Buddhism. In fact, we find in the career of Kūkai that he put stress on the Shou-hu-kuo-chieh-chu-ching and the Jên-wang-ching which he had brought back from China, and tried to promote the new rituals based on these sutras. In short, the deities of the Lecture Hall of the Tōji were planned by Kūkai himself who wanted to realize his ideal. It means that they are not only the objects of worship installed in the Hall, but they also compose a unique mandala for the ritual of Buddhist protection of the state.

著者

高田 修

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.257, pp.1-10, 1969-03-25

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As generally admitted, the reign of the imperial Gupta dynasty was a period of cultural efflorescence in Indian history, above all in the domain of art. It gave birth to the creation of a, new, highly refined style of sculpture, and deserves to be called the Indian Classic period. The sculptural activity seems to have attained the zenith during the fifth century by enhancing the aesthetic standard, and its tradition continued for a comparatively long duration, even after the fall of the Harsa's empire in the mid-seventh century : the Pallava and the Early Chālukya Schools being offshoots of the Gupta art in the South and the West India respectively. In this connection, the present writer, as an attempt of making a general stylistic survey of the early Brahmanic or Hindu sculpture, picking up four most noticeable sculptures of Visnu in particular in the ealier periods—the Gupta and the Early Mediaeval periods, gave brief descriptions and discussed on their stylistic positions in the history of Indian art. They are as follows: 1) The Varāha-avatāra (Boar Incarnation), relief in the Cave V, Udaya-giri, Bhopal, c. 401-2 A.D. The eariest datable sculpture of Viṣṇu, characterized by still un-refined but powerful execution which shows the early stylistic phase of the Gupta imperial art. 2) Standing Viṣṇu with four arms (mutilated at each elbow), from Mathurā, now in the National Museum, New Delhi, 5th century,-lent' to Japan for the opening exhibition of the Oriental Gallery, Tokyo National Museum, in 1968. It is a masterpiece of Viṣṇu statue, revealing the highest quality of workmanship and rivaling with the Buddhas from Mathurā and Sārnāth, it marks the culmination of artistic development of the Indian Classic period. 3) Viṣṇu on the Nāga Ananta (Anantaśāyin), relief in the Mahiśa Maṇḍapa, Mahābalipuram, mid-7th century. The Pallava School of sculpture is characterized with the round, smooth, skilful bodily modelling, and the dramatic, well-composed representation, and this panel in the maṇḍapa (cave) is conspicuous among others. 4) The Nṛsimha-avatāra (Man-lion Incarnation), relief in the Cave XV, Ellora, early 8th century. The excavation activities of the Hindu caves at Ellora, of which the zenith is marked by the magnificent Kailāsa rock-cut temple, possibly started at about the beginning of the eighth century. Those Śaiva and Vaiṣṇava reliefs in the Cave XV are excellent in workmanship among the Hindu sculpture at Ellora, as retaining the tradition of the late Gupta style, and should be placed in the earliest group of the caves.

著者

高田 修

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.219, pp.1-16, 1962-08-30

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Studies on Indian art history entail all kinds of difficulties owing to the obscurity of historical facts; lack of chronological evidences renders those art objects undatable and leads to diver gence of theories and opinions among scholars. This is true in the case of early Indian sculpture too. There are a number of male and femal statues that are generally attributed Mauryan. In fact, they present an appearance of archaic or ancient stylistic features, but a careful scrutiny makes such an attribution questionable, and the present writer has come to a conclusion that some of them should not be dated as early as the Maurya Period. This article is the first part of stylistic researches on the early ancient Indian statuary represented by Yakṣa-Yakṣi images, of which he had an opportunity to survey and take picture the large number of important works in 1958–59. After noting the general feature of YakṣaYakṣi image worship in ancient India, the author proceeds to examine in detail (1) the female deity excavated at Didarganj (Pl. I), (2) the standing Yakṣa from Parkham (Pl. II) together with the bust from Baroda, (3) the two standing Yakṣas unearthed at Patna. All these statues have been ascribed to the Maurya Period by most Indian art historians. It is generally admitted that the female deity, so-called chauri-bearer, from Didarganj, is comparable in style and technique to the art of Asoka pillars. The author, too, is of the same view, permitting a little difference ; and he questions the validity of B. Rowland's recent attempt to bring it closer in style and in time to the Yakṣīs of Sānchi toraṇas. It is true that the influences from ancient Iran and the West are undeniable in the official art of the Aśoka's reign, but we cannot fail to notice the process of Indianization of foreign elements already well advanced even in the Sārnāth capital, the masterpiece of the time. Compared with the latter, the female deity in question, of which plastic feeling and expression are Indian, reveals a more Indianized phase of the Mauryan official art. And it will be almost safe to look upon its style as the late Maurya. By the way, thisdeity or chauri-bearer is no other than a Yakṣī, demi-goddess in the indigenous worship, and on it we can see an idealized female figure modelled from a Mauryan court lady. As to the colossal Yakṣa from Parkham, which shows the archaic style and immature technique, the present writer is in agreement with others who appropriately attributed it to an earlier period, explaining as a product of the indigenous Indian art of the time, that had birth without any foreign influence. The archaism of the statue, however, should not lead us to too old a period, because it has an inscription of so-called Mauryan scripts, which tells us it was intended a Yakṣa Maṇibhadra. The early years of the second century B. C., either the late Maurya or the early Śunga, seems a reasonable date for this work. It is to be noted that the statue constitutes the sculptural source, from which we can trace the stylistic development of the Śunga art from Bhārhut, Sānchi II to Budhagayā, etc. The same is the case of Yakṣa from Baroda, which, though mutilated and much obliterated, has the identical characteristics in style and technique. Lastly, the two Yakṣa statues from Patna, which must have been chiseled in the same workshop, have been positively thought to date from the Maurya, and L. Bachhofer has gone so far as to regard it older than these examples just mentioned. But the particular oblique folds of the dhoti (loin cloth) and the advanced expression in the details of the body are different from the Didarganj Yakṣī in its fundamental plastic feeling, which was as noted above, a product of the amalgamation of the evolved official art and the primitive native one in the Maurya Period. Their volume, stiffness and other plastic features will rather bring them close to the Buddhas at Mathurā in early Kushān, which are exemplified by the standing Buddha from Sārnāth, dated 3 rd year of Kaniṣka's reign (mid-2 nd century). This observation seems useful in proving the abrupt appearance of the massive Indian type of early Baddha images, and the two Yakṣas will be given a due stylistic position as the forerunner of the Buddhist statuary at Mathurā. The inscription on the scarf of one of the Yaksa which cannot be older than the first century A. D. from the palaeographical ground, may be taken as a clue to the date of the statue. Contrary to these scholars who want to see on these two Yakṣas a Mauryan style and accordingly suppose the inscription to be a later addition, the present author underlines that it must have been incised simultaneously with the statue.

著者

高田 修治

出版者

独立行政法人国立成育医療研究センター

雑誌

特定領域研究

巻号頁・発行日

2011

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申請者は本提案によりIG-DMRの解析を中心としたPlk1-Pio3インプリンティング領域の遺伝子発現制御、DNAメチル化の確立、DNAメチル化維持の分子メカニズムを解明することにより生殖細胞の正常な分化に必須の領域であるIG-DMRの機能を同定し、将来の再生医学、再生医療への応用のための分子基盤を築いていきたいと考えている。今年度は昨年度までに同定したIG-DMR内の進化上保存された配列とIG-DMR内の特異的リピート配列に対する結合タンパク質の精製とその同定を行った。DNA配列をビーズに結合し、胎生13.5日の核タンパク質をプルダウンすることにより結合タンパク質を精製、その後DSD-PAGEと銀染色によりタンパク質を可視化、質量分析によりタンパク質を同定する手法を用いた。その結果、IG-DMR内の特異的リピート配列に結合する因子の一つとして、ピストンのメチルトランスフェラーゼの一種であるSmyd2が同定された。まだ質量分析による同定までには至っていないが、進化上保存された配列に特異的に結合するタンパク質も銀染色により確認できている。また、今までにこのリピートに結合する因子の候補として酵母One hybrid法でZbtb22を同定している。Zbtb22ノックアウトマウスの作製と掛け合わせを行ったが、Zbtb22ノックアウトマウスは妊性のある正常な個体であった。Zbtb22ノックアウトマウスでのDlk1とGt12の発現解析をreal-time RT-PCRにより行ったが、Zbtb22がインプリンティングの確立や維持には影響がないという結果を得た。現在メチル化解析を行っているところである。

著者

Tarzi Zemaryalai 高田 修 秋山 光和

出版者

毎日新聞社

雑誌

仏教芸術 (ISSN:00042889)

巻号頁・発行日

no.120, pp.p11-27,図p2〜4, 1978-09

著者

高田修著

出版者

岩波書店

巻号頁・発行日

1987