著者

後藤 敏文 Toshifumi Gotō

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 = Journal of the International College for Postgraduate Buddhist Studies (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

no.20, pp.222-196, 2016-03-31

著者

原 實

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, pp.292-256, 1998-03

著者

原 實

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

no.9, pp.1-64, 2005-03

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これ迄、三回に亘って古代インドの女性観の諸側面を論じて来たが、今回はこのProjectの最終回に当って、残余の若干の問題を3章に亘って邦訳を通して見る事とした。その第一は疑惑を持たれた貞女の純潔の証明、第二は貞女の功徳の中から彼女の前世想起力、そして最後に生盲の由来を説く奇想天外な物語を紹介する。今回も又前回同様、今年度本学の演習に於いて学生諸君と共に読み進んだ所を提示するもので、この機会に演習に参加された諸君の熱意に感謝する。

著者

武田 浩学

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, pp.211-244, 2000-03

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Who was the author of the Mahaprajnaparamitasastra大智度論(T1509)? Traditionally it was believed to be Nagarjuna龍樹, and scholars until fairly recently thought that Kumarajiva鳩摩羅什only modified the text. Currently, however, the opinion that Kumarajiva was himself the author is gaining ground. This opinion is based on circumstantial evidence, though, and is not supported by any textusl evidence. In this paper, I would like to go back to the original view and argue that Nagarjuna was in fact the author, based on textual evidence. There are a number of original ideas in the Sastra, but of these, Pratyutpannabuddhasammukhavasthiasamadhi般舟三眛(Buddhanusmrtisamadhi念仏三眛), in particular, deserves careful attention. The author of the Sastra defined this Pratyutpannasamadhi as "Upaya." Usually Upaya (i.e., Upaya-kausalya善巧方便) refers to the means for Sattva-paripacana教化衆生. On the other hand, "Upaya" (i.e., Pratyutpannasamadhi in the Sastra) is the presupposition of Upayakausalya, "Pre-upaya"前方便, as it were. This definition in the Sastra matches the description in the Bodhisambharasastra菩提資糧論(T1660), which has been proven to be of Nagarjuna's authorship. However, this definition cannot be found in books of Kumarajiva (i.e., the Tchou wei mo kie king注維摩詰経(T1775) and the Kieou mo lo che fa che to yi大乗大義章(T1856)). In addition, the author of the Sastra regarded Prajnaparamita般若波羅密fa che as more important than Upaya, whereas Kumarajiva in the Tchou wei mo kie king regarded Upaya as more important than Prajnaparamita. In conclusion, I maintain that Nagarjuna was the author of Sastra and that Kumarajiva only made modifications.

著者

前島 信也 Shin'ya Maejima

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 = Journal of the International College for Postgraduate Buddhist Studies (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

no.22, pp.71-101, 2018-03-31

著者

三宅 徹誠 Tetsujo Miyake

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 = Journal of the International College for Postgraduate Buddhist Studies (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

no.12, pp.27-56, 2008-03-31

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Taichu 袋中(1552-1639) is the priest who belonged to the Nago'e sect 名越派 of Jodo shu 浄土宗, that is the school of Pure Land Buddhism established by Honen 法然(1133-1212) in Japan. In the 8^<th> year of Genna(1622), he moved to Nara and built Nembutsuji temple 念仏寺. Then he collected the Buddhist sutras, both manuscripts and editions, with his disciples in various places and copied for the sutras those were not able to be collected. Finally, he kept them in the Buddhist sutra storehouse of Nembutsuji temple. But the Buddhist sutras collected by him were scattered and lost. Now, some of them exist in all over the world. Its history was cleared by the investigation of the Buddhist sutras collected by him and the check of the catalogues of libraries and museums which possess them in part now. By checking of the colophons and seals of their sutras, the original owners of them were cleared. Those were Joruriji temple 浄瑠璃時 in Kyoto, Kimpusenji temple 金峰山寺 in Nara, and the other temples that existed in Kyoto or Nara once. It is likely that Taichu collected the sutras existed in Kyoto and Nara, that is to say the vicinity of Nembutsuji temple, in the beginning of Edo period. The extent of his collecting sutras was relatively narrow. Because many of the Buddhist manuscripts or editions existed in that area.

著者

後藤 敏文 Toshifumi Gotō

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

no.20, pp.222-196, 2016-03

著者

原 實 Minoru Hara

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 = Journal of the International College for Postgraduate Buddhist Studies (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

no.9, pp.1-64, 2005-03-31

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Three topics, of uneven length, are discussed in this paper: (1) The way women can prove their chastity when suspected of infidelity. Two cases are presented: (1-1) Sita I translate Valmiki's Ramayana 6.102-106 into Japanese. In this fragment, Rama, who fears public rumour (janapavada), rejects Sita after recovering her from her confinement in the Lanka Island. In spite of her piteous protest, Rama does not accept her, and as human means (manusa-pramana) fail to prove her innocence, Sita resorts to divine means, i.e. ordeal (daivika-pramana). She invokes Agni, the fire god, and steps into it. Agni, however, does not burn her and thus testifies to her chastity. (1-2) Yasodhara Yasodhara, one of Sakyamuni's wives (the other two being Gupika and Mrgi), was doubted of her lack of chastity because she conceived just before the Buddha's departure from the palace and delivered on the same day of his awakening-the well-known story of Rahu's six-year stay in his mother's womb. According to several sutras preserved in Chinese translation, Suddhodana, her father-in-law, and other people accused her of being unchaste and sentenced her to death. Yasodhara (in some variants, together with Rahu) was thrown into fire, but the fire turned into a pond, which proved her chastity. In another narrative version, she herself threw Rahu, tied to a stone, into a pond in order to prove that he was a legitimate son. Water did not let Rahu sink, and this testified to Yasodhara's chastity. I translate and discuss six Chinese sutras describing the fire-ordeal and seven texts containing the water-ordeal, alongside their Sanskrit equivalents. Compared to the ordeal (divya) prescribed in later Smrti literature, these narratives are simple and closely related to sapatha and satya-vacana. (2) Jati-smarana (The miraculous power of a chaste woman) I offer a Japanese translation of Visnu-purana 3.18.53-104. This is a story of a king who undergoes bad re-births because of his talking to a heretic (pasanda). His queen, however, refuses to speak with the heretic and does not even look at him, keeping instead her eyes on the Sun. Even after her death as a sati, she continues to be faithful to the king and retains his memory. Because of her chastity, she is able to find her husband six times in various forms (dog, jackal, etc,) until she is finally united with him. (3) The story of Dirghatamas I translate Mahabharata 1.98 and 12.328.43-51 into Japanese. The lustful sage Brhaspati seduced Mamata, (the wife of Utathya, Brhaspati's own brother), and unites with her against her will. As Mamata was already pregnant with Dirghatamas, the latter notices Brhaspati's penis entering his mother's womb and kicks it out saying there is no room for his tejas or retas. Discovering that his semen was wasted and fell on earth, Brhaspaiti becomes angry and curses Dirghatamas to be born blind (jaty-andha). (The story seems to presuppose complete darkness in the womb.)

著者

原 實 Minoru Hara

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 = Journal of the International College for Advanced Buddhist Studies (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

no.6, pp.232-191, 2003-03-31

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Here is presented the well-known story of a Brahmin's family in danger with his wife, daughter and son, given in the Mahabharata 1.145-147. The article consists of two parts, a Japanese translation and a study.(I) The story is located in the Baka-vadha-parvan, where the man-eating Raksasa Baka demanded a victim from a Brahmin family, otherwise he threatened to devour all the four. First, the Brahmin deplores of the tragedy and suggested the possibility to offer himself as a victim (145). Upon this, his wife proposed to offer herself instead (146) and then his daughter repeated the same (147). Both the wife and the daughter insisted the important role of a father in family and triviality of the wife after bearing children and of the daughter as a nuisance for the family. In the statement of wife and daughter we can see how women were treated and regarded in ancient India. (II) The second part consists of three portions. (II-1) Responsibility of the Head of Family. Both the wife and the daughter emphasize the important role of a father in the family. The duty of family ptotection (pati<palana, bhartr <bharana) is attributed to him, whereas all other dependant upon him. Women are considered weak (abala). Wife without husband is anatha (without resort) or anavrta=nagna (uncovered) and is destined to be exposed to danger. (II-2) Women should not be killed. The wife dissuades her husband from going, insisting that if he go, he would be killed, but if she go, she may be safe, since it is the universal maxim that women should not be killed (avadhya). The maxim is observed even among dasyu (plunderers) as prescribed in the Steya-sastra. The maxim includes stri-purva, stri-nama, stri-svarupin, hence Bhisma did not fight with Sikhandin. (II-3) Remarriage of men and women. Despite the rule of monogamy established by Svetaketu (MBh.1.113) and Dirghatamas, (1.56), polygamy was prevalent and remarriage was admitted for men, but not generally for women. In the case of a man, it was part of his duty to remarry after his wife's death (MS.5.167, YS.1.89), though Rama refrained from remarrying after Sita's death (R.7.89.4). Yet, the life of a widow was miserable as Maddi speaks of it in the Vessantara-Jataka.

著者

原 實 Minoru Hara

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 = Journal of the International College for Advanced Buddhist Studies (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

no.8, pp.322-281, 2004-03-31

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The present article contains a Japanese translation of the well-known stories of three different types of women in ancient India. (1) The first is the story of the type of chaste woman as is related in the Markandeya Purana 16. The irritable sage Mandavya cursed her poor husband to lose his life upon the sun-rise. When hearing this, the devoted wife decided to prevent by the virtue of her chastity the sun-rise and thus succeeded in protecting her husband's life. For ten days the sun did not rise and darkness prevailed. Gods worried about this because they are afraid of a shortage of food in the morning sacrifice performed by the pious human beings. They resorted to another chaste woman, Anasuya, who promised them to restore the sun by the power of her chastity. She raised the sun and the curse was materialized. Then Anasuya revived the dead husband by satya-vacana. (2) The second illustrates the type of energetical woman as related in the Mahabharata 5.131-134 (Vidura-putranusasana). In this story a Ksatriya woman rebukes her son who abandoned the battle-field and encourages him to go back to war for further fight. Here we have the ideal of a Ksatriya woman. (3) The third (found in Mahabharata 13.38) speaks of the evil nature of woman (stri-svabhava-kathana). Being requested by the sage Narada, a divine courtesan Pancacuda enumerates various sorts of evils essential to the woman's nature. In order to illustrate this I have also translated a story given in the Pancatantra 4.5 and its variations in the Dasakumaracarita 6 and Kathasaritsagara 65 where a merciless woman betrayed her loving husband by her fickle misdeed with a cripple. Finally, I have also translated a relevant story in the Hitopadesa. It concludes with a verse saying that a woman surpasses a man twice in appetite (ahara), four times in cleverness (buddhi), six times in determination (vyavasaya), and eight times in sexual desire (kama).

著者

国際仏教学大学院大学 [編]

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

巻号頁・発行日

1998

著者

原 實 Minoru Hara

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 = Journal of the International College for Advanced Buddhist Studies (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

no.5, pp.230-189, 2002-03-31

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Problems of gender have been attracting the attention of scholars such as sociologists, historians, and anthropologists, but if we are expected to write about the same problems in ancient India, Sanskrit philologists have to resort to textual evidence. Based upon such evidence as the Smrti prescriptions of asvatantrya about women, the literary motif of sex-change, and the traditional custom of Suttee, people are often inclined to emphasise as a characteristic of Indian society the predominance of men over women. But we meet also counter-evidence such as the eulogy of the mother, the idea of the better-half, and stories of pati-vratas. Often the negative side is revealed in stri-svabhava (the nature of condemned women) and the positive side in stri-dharma (women's duty as their ideal). In a series of papers we are planning to elucidate these aspects, but here in this paper we shall collect passages relevant to chaste women (pati-vrata) and discuss the mystic power inherent in women's chastity.

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 = Journal of the International College for Postgraduate Buddhist Studies (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

no.10, pp.i-xxvii, 2006-03-31

著者

鎌田 茂雄 Shigeo Kamata

出版者

AA11260687219990300C表紙国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 = Journal of the International College for Advanced Buddhist Studies (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

no.2, pp.1-55, 1999-03-31

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There are many caves in such mountains as Da-ding-shan, Bei-shan etc. in Da-zu-xian, Si-chuan-sheng, China. This article aims to clarify the historical background of the opinions about the carvings of the legends of the Fu-mu-en-chong Sutra and the Da-fang-bian-fo-bao-en Sutra in the stone carvings of Bao-ding-shan. The carving of the Fu-mu-en-chong Sutra is a stone carving of the legend based on that Sutra, and that of the Da-fang-bian-fo-en Sutra is the carving based on the Sutra of that name. The former carving is based on the Dun-huang style songs such as Shi-en-de, Shi-zheng-yuan, and Xiao-shun-yue. The background to the opinions is, however, a sutra-expounding of Fu-mu-en-de, Shi-zheng-yuan, Xiao-shun-yue etc. The background of thoughts is, however, a sutra-expounding of the Fu-mu-en-chong Sutra (Dun-huang version). The song of Shi-en-de and others based on the sutra-expounding of the Fu-mu-en-chong Sutra which had been popular during the late Tang Dynasty, the Five Dynasties and Song Dynasty were accepted to be a praising of the idea of filial piety by the people, and were put in solid from as the carving of the Fu-mu-en-chong Sutra of Da-ding-shan stone carving. At the same time, the carving of the Da-fang-bian-fo-bao-en Sutra seems to have been based on the passages of the sutra-expounding of the Da-fang-bian-fo-bao-en Sutra. It can be assumed that the sutra-expounding of the Da-fang-bian-fo-bao-en Sutra existed in the Song Dynasty comparing the carved passages of Da-ding-shan stone carving with those of the Da-fang-bian-fo-bao-en Sutra, since the carved passages of Da-ding-shan stone carving are made out through the complete extracts from the original passages of the Da-fang-bian-fo-bao-en Sutra. It is due to the Buddhist idea of filial piety which had become thoroughly familiar to the people during the late Tang Dynasty, the Five Dynasties and the Song Dynasty that two of the legend carvings which praise the Buddhist idea of filial piety were carved. It seems that the main basis for the Buddhist idea of filial piety is the prevalence of the two Sutras above and the Ullambana Sutra.

著者

鎌田 茂雄 Shigeo Kamata

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 = Journal of the International College for Advanced Buddhist Studies (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

no.1, pp.1-34, 1998-03-31

著者

武田 浩学 Kohgaku Takeda

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 = Journal of the International College for Advanced Buddhist Studies (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

no.3, pp.211-244, 2000-03-31

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Who was the author of the Mahaprajnaparamitasastra大智度論(T1509)? Traditionally it was believed to be Nagarjuna龍樹, and scholars until fairly recently thought that Kumarajiva鳩摩羅什only modified the text. Currently, however, the opinion that Kumarajiva was himself the author is gaining ground. This opinion is based on circumstantial evidence, though, and is not supported by any textusl evidence. In this paper, I would like to go back to the original view and argue that Nagarjuna was in fact the author, based on textual evidence. There are a number of original ideas in the Sastra, but of these, Pratyutpannabuddhasammukhavasthiasamadhi般舟三眛(Buddhanusmrtisamadhi念仏三眛), in particular, deserves careful attention. The author of the Sastra defined this Pratyutpannasamadhi as "Upaya." Usually Upaya (i.e., Upaya-kausalya善巧方便) refers to the means for Sattva-paripacana教化衆生. On the other hand, "Upaya" (i.e., Pratyutpannasamadhi in the Sastra) is the presupposition of Upayakausalya, "Pre-upaya"前方便, as it were. This definition in the Sastra matches the description in the Bodhisambharasastra菩提資糧論(T1660), which has been proven to be of Nagarjuna's authorship. However, this definition cannot be found in books of Kumarajiva (i.e., the Tchou wei mo kie king注維摩詰経(T1775) and the Kieou mo lo che fa che to yi大乗大義章(T1856)). In addition, the author of the Sastra regarded Prajnaparamita般若波羅密fa che as more important than Upaya, whereas Kumarajiva in the Tchou wei mo kie king regarded Upaya as more important than Prajnaparamita. In conclusion, I maintain that Nagarjuna was the author of Sastra and that Kumarajiva only made modifications.

著者

杉山 二郎 Jiro Sugiyama

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 = Journal of the International College for Advanced Buddhist Studies (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

no.3, pp.69-123, 2000-03-31

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Mori Ogai (森鴎外) is one of the most famous Authors in mode rn Japan. He not only created many works of fiction, dramas, and critical essays, but also translated many examples of Western and the Eastern thought. He was a humanist and an enlightenmentalist (Aufklarer). In this essay, I attempt to study his curiosity about Indology and Buddhism, of course, he had knowledge of chinese classical literature, confucianism and Taoism. However, his study of Buddhism in paruicular started when he was a medical student. Later, while studying in Germany (1884~1888), he confuted the opinion of Dr. E. Nauman, a geologist who was then living in Japan, with regard to Buddhism. Mori Ogai also made a study of the Sanskrit language, of Indology as well as of Buddhism, and he collected Chinese Tri-pitaka Sutras as published by Tokyo Shoin. Especially, together with, Mr. Omura Seigai(大村西崖)he translated Edmund Hardy's "Konig Asoka", with reference to Christian Lassen's Indische Altertumskunde. This book was a pioneer guide-book about King Asoka. Mori Ogai's Indological and Buddhistic knowledge gives rich evidence of his creative talent.

著者

木村 清孝 Kiyotaka Kimura

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 = Journal of the International College for Postgraduate Buddhist Studies (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

no.10, pp.170-155, 2006-03-31

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In Japan, wa (和. he in Chinese) is still popular as an important tenet taught by Prince Shotoku in the Ancient Age. In this paper, the author tries to analyze the concept of he as it appears in Chinese and Japanese Buddhist texts (Especially Chinese Versions of the Buddhist Canons) and clarify its various meanings, some of which have been deeply influenced by Chinese thought. Since the time of Early Buddhism, Buddhists have fundamentally attached importance to unification and harmonious relations of the order. For example, the famous Dhammapada says, sukha sanghassa samaggi samagganam tapo sukho. Samaggi in this sentence was translated he (和) or hehe (和合) in China. This seems to be the most basic sense of he in Buddhism. Secondly, the idea of hejing (和敬), which relates with he mentioned above is also notable. This idea served as the base of the theory of six kinds of hejing (六和敬), which means harmonious behaviors in the six fields of body (身), speaking (口), mind (意), sila (戒), view (見), and benefit (利) in general. But it does not seem that this theory was formed before the occurrence of Mahayana Buddhism in the first century B.C. and widely prevailed all over the Buddhist world. Thirdly, there is the term of heyan-aiyu (和顔愛語. wagen-aigo in Japanese). This phrase is very popular in Japan. However, we can not find out any equivalent in the Sanskrit text of the Amitayus-sutra to heyan, that constitutes the most well-known idiom in one of the Chinese versions of it. Fourthly, we discuss the concept of heguang-tongchen (和光同塵) 50 Buddhism and the Concept of he (和, wa in Japanese) in East Asia (Kimura) originating in the Laozi. This was accepted in Chinese Buddhism in two ways, i.e., one positive, and the other negative. We can see one typical example of the positive usage of this idiom in the Great Concentration and Insight (Mohezhiguan.摩訶止観) by Zhiyi (538-597). The negative usage of it, in the expression butongqichen (不同其塵) appears in the Mahayana-nirvana-sutra translated by Dharmaksema. Lastly, the author investigates the relationship between these various meanings of he in East Asian Buddhism and the thought of he advocated by Prince Shotoku. Our conclusion is that Prince Shotoku tried to apply the Buddhist idea of samaggi to the secular society at large.

著者

鎌田 茂雄

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, pp.1-29, 2000-03

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There are several sacred places of Buddhism, like Fan-jing-shan, Jin-ding-shan, and Qian-ling-shan, in Gui-zhou, China. In these sacred places of Buddhism, which were established in Ming/Qing era, there are many temples, to which many Buddhist believers came to worhip from such surrounding regions Si-chuan and Yun-nan. In this paper, taking the Buddhism of Qian-ling-shan of these sacred places of Buddhism as my subject, I describe the history and present status, the life and thought of the priest Chi-song-he-shang, who was the founder of the Hong-fu-si temple of Qian-ling-shan, and the Zen priests of Gui-yang recorded in Qian-nan-hui ding-lu. In my second section "Qian-ling-shan, the sacred place of Buddhism in Gui-zhou". I describe the nature, scenery, ruins, beautiful places etc. mainly by the use of copy of Qian-ling-shan-zhi owned by Toyobunko, Tokyo. In Qian-ling-shan, there is Hong-fu-si, the largest temple in Gui-zhou. In my third section I delineate the history and present status of this temple. The founder of Hong-fu-si was Chi-song-he-shang. Since we have biographical material on him, I describe his life and thougt in my fourth section, "The life and Thought of Chi-song-he-shang". Iestablish that he was an excellent Zen priest ; not only was his thought profound, but also his life itself was brillant. Since the lineage of the successive chief priests of Hong-fu-shan is not clear, I describe the lives of the Zen priests of Gui-yang in my fifth section, The Zen of Priests of Gui-yang, recorded in Qian-nan-hui-ding-lu. "Almost all the life records of Chinese Zen Buddhists concepy those in regions like Jiang-su, Zhe-jiang, and Hu-nan, not those who stayed in Qian/Gui-zhou. Only Qian-nan-hui-ding-lu, by Shan-yi-ru-chun, contains the lives of the Zen priests of Gui-zhou. This is the reason why I searched for the lives and activities of the Zen priests who were active in Gui-yang, where Qian-ling-shan is located, by mens of this volume. Even thougt it is certain that Gui-zhou and Si-chuan are closely related politically and economically, and that they had developed transpontatim systems between tlem, how about the history of Budd ism? This paper makes it cleen that the Buddhist priests in Si-chuan and Yun-nan played a great role in the organization of Buddhism in Gui-zhou. Now that I have finished writing the sixth volume of The History of Chinese Buddhism, only the seventh and the eighth volumes remain unfinished. It seems to me that the historical current of Chinese Buddhism will be clarified to a certain degree by the completion of these eight volumes. However, it is a history of Buddhism focused on the central district, the center of political authority, the history of Buddhism in the local regions has not yet become evident. The only Chinese scholar who has delineated the history of Buddhism in the Dian-Qian region is Chen-yuan, whose work, Ming-ji-Dian-Qian-Fo-jiao-Kao (A researh onto Buddhism in Dian-Qian in the late Ming Era) was published by Zhong-hua Book Store in April, 1989. I have continually been paying attention to the history of region al Buddhism and Buddist writings in orderon to acguiren the whole iguit of the history of Chinese Buddhism. After the conpletion of all eight volumes of The History of Chinese Buddhism, I would like to write a technical book on the history of regional Buddhism, Buddhist writings, Buddhist ruins, and so forth. This is the reason why I have considered Buddhism in Gui-zhou considered.

著者

斉藤 達也 Tatuya Saitô

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

no.21, pp.33-93, 2017-03