著者
谷口 俊一
出版者
京都大学文学部社会学研究室
雑誌
京都社会学年報
巻号頁・発行日
no.8, pp.147-165, 2000-12

This article deals with the image of Japanese people serving in the army during the interwar period. To analyze this topic, I mainly used readers' columns of newspapers. At this time dining which disarmament conference like the Washington Conference took place, Japanese armed forces became a target of criticism. As a consequence, the land forces reduced their armaments without holding an international conference. Critics about the armed forces increased while, on the other hand, the practice of conscription, among other things, was not questioned, and pacifist opinions were hardly heard either. Besides, soldiers having accomplished their military service were highly considered by certain people. Especially from the Manchurian Incident on, critics towards the army faded away. Japanese people became aware of the importance of supporting the army because everyone had a relative or a friend engaged in the army, with the result that many of them unwillingly started to get involved into the war efforts. In such a perspective, one can wonder about the fact that, among all critics formulated against the army after World War I, which clearly influenced the disarmament process in Japan, most ones have been made towards the army as an institution but surprisingly not towards the soldiers themselves. It is also interesting to notice that, rather than diminishing the army officers' strength, on the contrary, all those critics tended to reinforce their intentions of pursuing the militarization of the country. To a certain extent, we may conclude that all those critics might have helped to the constitution of a military state, which would also mean that Japanese people failed in preventing the rise of militarism.
著者
石原 俊
出版者
京都大学文学部社会学研究室
雑誌
京都社会学年報
巻号頁・発行日
no.13, pp.1-33, 2005-12

In the 19th Century the Ogasawara/Bonin Islands were the center of the automatic life world in the Northwestern Pacific Ocean called "Japan Ground" by the seamen and whalers. From 1830 to 1875 the settlers of the Ogasawara Islands came from all parts of the world. They contacted and traded with whalers who stopped at these islands. In 1875 "the Empire of Japan" began to occupy these islands and these settlers were naturalized to "Japanese", but these people named "kikajin" (meaning naturalized people) re-arranged and kept their automatic life world. They kept trading with "foreign" seamen who stopped at these Islands. After 1870's they were employed as hunters by the "foreign" schooners to the Sea of Okhotsk for fur-seal hunting every year, often "violating" the border of "Russia" or "Japan". Under such condition the Ogasawara Islands and the life world of the settlers attracted the attention of the politicians, economists, journalists and explorers in "the Empire of Japan" in 1880's and 1890's. The oceans and islands in "Japan Ground" were named "Nan-yo" (meaning the southern ocean of "the Empire of Japan"). They "found" the Ogasawara Islands the center or the strongpoint of the oceans and islands in "Nan-yo" and the very model of the development of "Nan-yo". About that time the key word of the discourses and practices on "Nan-yo" was "Jiyu-koueki" (meaning free trade). Before the occupation of "the Empire of Japan" the Ogasawara Islands and "Japan Ground" had been focused by "the British Empire" (e.g. Rutherford Alcock), the United States of America (e.g. Matthew Perry) and the Tokugawa Regime (e.g. "John Mung") as the proving ground of the development based on the principle of "free trade". After the occupation the Ogasawara Islands came to be regarded as the strongpoint and the model of "Nan-yo" by the discourses and practices which supported "Jiyu-koueki" (e.g. Ukichi Taguchi, Tohru Hattori and Han-emon Tamaki). Such discourses and practices supported utilizing the life world around "kikajin(s)" in the Ogasawara Islands, especially their automatic and border-transgressing practices. They promoted the development of the Ogasawara Islands and "Nan-yo" through the "free" trading and colonizing without strong sovereign or military power. However in 1900's the development of the Ogasawara Islands became the big undertaking accompanied with the strong sovereign power and the large budget of "the Empire of Japan". The "Ogasawara-sima En-yo Gyogyo Kaisha" (meaning "the Ogasawara Islands Pelagic Fishery Company") which was founded and backed up by the local agency of "the Empire of Japan" took the initiative in this undertaking. Moreover the company began to appropriate the life world around "kikajin(s)". In 1910 the naturalized people in the Ogasawara Islands repelled the local agency to defend their automatic life world. "Nan-yo" was "found" the ideal proving ground of the development based on the principle of "free trade", and/but "Nan-yo" was the critical point of such development. This critical point was the inevitable and immanent result of "the imperialism of free trade" (by J. Gallagher & R. Robinson).
著者
山本 耕平
出版者
京都大学大学院文学研究科社会学研究室
雑誌
京都社会学年報
巻号頁・発行日
no.17, pp.139-153, 2009-12

The aim of this paper is to reexamine what kind of insight the Sociology of Scientific Knowledge (SSK) provides us concerning our understanding of science. SSK has definitely described some crucial dimensions of science which traditional sociology and philosophy of science had not taken notice of. However, it seems that SSK doesn't offer any clear implication for our understanding of scientific rationality. I consider this equivocalness a significant problem to be solved, since some claims raised by SSK provide the background assumptions for much of recent research in Science Studies, like the Science, Technology and Society (STS). To make clear what implications are to be brought out from the claims of SSK about the social dimensions of science, I incorporate some recent arguments of Social Epistemology. Recent studies in Social Epistemology show interesting facts concerning the relationship between the social dimensions of science and scientific rationality. Focusing on Philip Kitcher's discussion about the division of cognitive labor and Miriam Solomon's "Social Empiricism, " I argue that the social dimensions of science sometimes make scientific decision-making rational, and sometimes they do not: it is entirely contingent how the social dimensions of science affect the results of scientific activities. In conclusion, I argue that we should not use the claims of SSK about the social dimensions of science as theoretical bases for our evaluation of science, but just as a tool for identifying various factors underlying decision-making processes. I suggest that this interpretation of the claims of SSK offers a better way to utilize our knowledge of social dimensions of science in Science Studies.
著者
近森 高明
出版者
京都大学文学部社会学研究室
雑誌
京都社会学年報
巻号頁・発行日
no.8, pp.81-96, 2000-12

This article deals with the animal anti-cruelty movement in Meiji era Japan. Since the first years of the era, some people noticed rampant cruelties towards working horses on the street. The movement to prevent such cruelties began in 1899 with an article which appeared in a popular magazine Taiyou (The Sun) by Tatsutaro Hiroi, a scholar of religion. Since then he eagerly engaged himself in joumalism to admonish and call on people to prevent cruelty to animals. Finally he founded the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals in 1902. What makes us curious is the fact that around the year 1900 a lot of other social problems occurred and drew public attention such as problems of poverty and suffering of factory laborers. We can describe the situation around the time as this: a (socially constructed) gaze which notices "pain and suffering of others" has spread among Japanese society. But then a question occurs to us. Why was the problem of animals raised at the same time as the problem of workers was raised? Usually people would think that problems concerning human beings have to be solved at first and only then the problem of animals, but why were the course of the facts not this way? The clue to answer this question is the social class to which those who joined in the animal anti-cruelty movement belonged: they were almost all from the upper class. A possible interpretation is as follows: on the one hand, the upper class people internalized the gaze directed to "pain and suffering of others" and noticed the problems of poverty and suffering of workers, but on the other hand, they couldn't make an overall reformation of the social structure because of their class interest. To solve this dilemma, the suffering animals on the street were focused on and the upper class people (unconsciously) tried to concentrate public attention on the problem of animals. The pain and suffering of animals were, as it were, discovered as a safe target of humanity.
著者
野村 明宏
出版者
京都大学文学部社会学研究室
雑誌
京都社会学年報
巻号頁・発行日
no.7, pp.1-24, 1999-12

Taiwan ceded to Japan after the Sino-Japanese War was under Japanese rule for half a century (1895-1945). It was so abrupt for Japanese statesmen to acquire the territory from a foreign government in less than thirty years after the Meiji Restoration. Japanese government, therefore, didn't have prepared any fundamental policy for this first colony in advance. This situation was differ from the cases of the European colonial rules which had been began after the progress of the propagation, the commerce and the industries, and so on. It was one of the distinctive features for Japanese colonial government to have no experience beforehand, however, there was another distinctive one. It was the difficulty of application of the binary shame, civilization-savage on the relation of the dominate-subordinate. It was difficult to rule the Chinese culture area, especially for Japan which have been influenced by this culture area. This article starts to investigate these situations in Taiwan under the rule of Japanese empire based on the ambiguity of Japan, that is, Japan was superior to Taiwan in military power and western material civilization, but was inferior in Confucian spiritual culture. It was difficult for Japan to get dignity as the governing state on that situation. Shinpei Goto, the secretary of civil government in Taiwan decided on colonial policies and leaded to build the effective governmental system for Japan in this complicated relationship. He carried out various policies, for example, the spread of medical knowledge and hygienics, the building of infrastructure, the educational administration, and the large scale investigation like census, etc. These policies produced good result for the Japanese colonial rule. The property of this government is the infiltration of state apparatus throughout Taiwanese everyday life. This government forms the bio-power that disciplines the people, and turns out them to the subjected individuals.