著者
野中 亮
出版者
京都大学文学部社会学研究室
雑誌
京都社会学年報 : KJS = Kyoto journal of sociology
巻号頁・発行日
no.6, pp.41-59, 1998-12-25

The purpose of this paper is to reflect upon what the statements refered to the Aum Shinrikyo Affair manifested. On 20 March 1995, 'the Aum Shinrikyo Affair' was happened. In Japan, it was the first case of terror with poison gas, and the first case of terror by cult which caused a calamity that assailed many people. The number of dameged sufferers in this terror is over 5, 000, and eleven persons were killed. Japanese mass medias naturally reported this calamity everyday, but these reports become too excessive gradually. Syoko Egawa -- she was famous for her reportage of the Aum Shinrikyo Affair -- was the most famous 'Aum Watcher'. 'Aum Watcher' means the watch for Aum Shinrikyo, she was regerded the leader of Aum Watchers. In this paper, Syoko Egawa's reportages of the Aum Shinrikyo Affair are used as materials for consideration of the Japanese religious - cultural characteristics. The final purpous of this paper is the reflection on the Japanese religious - cultural characteristics with her texts. We contrust The books by Syoko Egawa with the books by Hiromi Shimada -- he was a university professor, but he was made to give up his job for his statement refered to the Aum Shinrikyo Affair. He estimated Aum Shinrikyo's religious life and practices very highly. His statement was opposed to the statement by Egawa Syoko who criticized the Aum Shinrikyo's conduct of their organization. But it was not discussion that settled this controversy, the event itself -- murder by the Aum Shinrikyo. This incomplete controversy still requires thorough discussion of us. Through this work we show that to consider the problems related to the Aum Shinrikyo Affair is, at the same time, to consider the problems related to the Japanese religious - cultural characteristics.
著者
谷口 俊一
出版者
京都大学文学部社会学研究室
雑誌
京都社会学年報
巻号頁・発行日
no.8, pp.147-165, 2000-12

This article deals with the image of Japanese people serving in the army during the interwar period. To analyze this topic, I mainly used readers' columns of newspapers. At this time dining which disarmament conference like the Washington Conference took place, Japanese armed forces became a target of criticism. As a consequence, the land forces reduced their armaments without holding an international conference. Critics about the armed forces increased while, on the other hand, the practice of conscription, among other things, was not questioned, and pacifist opinions were hardly heard either. Besides, soldiers having accomplished their military service were highly considered by certain people. Especially from the Manchurian Incident on, critics towards the army faded away. Japanese people became aware of the importance of supporting the army because everyone had a relative or a friend engaged in the army, with the result that many of them unwillingly started to get involved into the war efforts. In such a perspective, one can wonder about the fact that, among all critics formulated against the army after World War I, which clearly influenced the disarmament process in Japan, most ones have been made towards the army as an institution but surprisingly not towards the soldiers themselves. It is also interesting to notice that, rather than diminishing the army officers' strength, on the contrary, all those critics tended to reinforce their intentions of pursuing the militarization of the country. To a certain extent, we may conclude that all those critics might have helped to the constitution of a military state, which would also mean that Japanese people failed in preventing the rise of militarism.
著者
菊地 夏野
出版者
京都大学文学部社会学研究室
雑誌
京都社会学年報 : KJS
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, pp.101-118, 2002-12-25

This thesis deals with the "Paradox of Feminism". Feminism orginally tried to resist patriarchy and sexual oppression towards women. However in the course of the movement feminism fell into confusion, in some ways resulting in the preservation of such oppression. For example, many women have protested against pornography as violence against women. They have identified pornography as a product of patriarchy. However, in some cases political situations give resemblance to feminism and conservatism. Therefore confusion between feminism and that opponent occurs. Other issues including prostitution, domestic violence, and sexual harassment have the same composition. This paper analyses this paradox by considering the relationship between gender and sexuality. The two concepts each have their own history, but how the two relate has rarely been discussed. I think that the paradox of feminism is rooted in the relationship between gender and sexuality. Violence against women has two aspects, gender and sexuality. Trying to emphasis the concept of gender involves the problem of knowledge. As Foucault pointed out, sexuality is exclusive to knowledge. Consequently the discourse that opposes gender excludes some sexual elements in some respects. In contrast to this, to oppose the oppression of sexuality results in the ignorance of the violence against women and the problem of gender. This situation shows the relationship between gender and sexuality as one of dualism. In this dualism the discourse of the one causes the exclusion of the other. The discourse of feminism is placed in this dangerous logic. In this paper I try to make clear this dual logic and to Consider more viable alternatives for the feminist movement.
著者
菊地 夏野
出版者
京都大学文学部社会学研究室
雑誌
京都社会学年報 : KJS
巻号頁・発行日
vol.9, pp.129-147, 2001-12-25

This paper aims at reconsidering the view on prostitution during the 1990s in Japan. When people discuss the issue of prostitution in general, they have tended to reduce the problem into whether it is morally right or wrong. Especially in the 90s, it was often discussed around the dualistic notion of "free will versus compulsion", which have prevented us to see what exactly structuralizes the complex relationship between prostitution and the violence against women. Among the dominant discourses on prostitution during this period, there were some varieties. On one hand, there were discourses that condemn prostitution to be perfectly evil. It had become a convention for the anti-prostitution movement to regard prostitution as a greatest violence and discrimination against women. Such scholars as Daisaburou HASHIDUME and Kaku SECHIYAMA, on the other hand, have objected to the idea that prostitution is essentially bad. Their position was to affirm the act as far as it were carried out without violence and discrimination against women. Their debate tells us that, whether they deny it or not, their concern was to condemn whether prostitution is morally right or wrong. Instead, we proposed to ask why it has always been looked at in such a way. In pursuing the question in this paper, we have clarified the processes in which discourses on prostitution inevitably fell into the reductionism. Finally, we turned to the alternative approach to prostitution advocated by Mitsu TANAKA. It is a distinctive approach that turns our attention to the divided status of Japanese women. By making reference to TANAKA's argument, we have investigated a new way to situate prostitution more fundamentally and offered a clue to the situation into which modern Japanese women are put.
著者
石原 俊
出版者
京都大学文学部社会学研究室
雑誌
京都社会学年報
巻号頁・発行日
no.13, pp.1-33, 2005-12

In the 19th Century the Ogasawara/Bonin Islands were the center of the automatic life world in the Northwestern Pacific Ocean called "Japan Ground" by the seamen and whalers. From 1830 to 1875 the settlers of the Ogasawara Islands came from all parts of the world. They contacted and traded with whalers who stopped at these islands. In 1875 "the Empire of Japan" began to occupy these islands and these settlers were naturalized to "Japanese", but these people named "kikajin" (meaning naturalized people) re-arranged and kept their automatic life world. They kept trading with "foreign" seamen who stopped at these Islands. After 1870's they were employed as hunters by the "foreign" schooners to the Sea of Okhotsk for fur-seal hunting every year, often "violating" the border of "Russia" or "Japan". Under such condition the Ogasawara Islands and the life world of the settlers attracted the attention of the politicians, economists, journalists and explorers in "the Empire of Japan" in 1880's and 1890's. The oceans and islands in "Japan Ground" were named "Nan-yo" (meaning the southern ocean of "the Empire of Japan"). They "found" the Ogasawara Islands the center or the strongpoint of the oceans and islands in "Nan-yo" and the very model of the development of "Nan-yo". About that time the key word of the discourses and practices on "Nan-yo" was "Jiyu-koueki" (meaning free trade). Before the occupation of "the Empire of Japan" the Ogasawara Islands and "Japan Ground" had been focused by "the British Empire" (e.g. Rutherford Alcock), the United States of America (e.g. Matthew Perry) and the Tokugawa Regime (e.g. "John Mung") as the proving ground of the development based on the principle of "free trade". After the occupation the Ogasawara Islands came to be regarded as the strongpoint and the model of "Nan-yo" by the discourses and practices which supported "Jiyu-koueki" (e.g. Ukichi Taguchi, Tohru Hattori and Han-emon Tamaki). Such discourses and practices supported utilizing the life world around "kikajin(s)" in the Ogasawara Islands, especially their automatic and border-transgressing practices. They promoted the development of the Ogasawara Islands and "Nan-yo" through the "free" trading and colonizing without strong sovereign or military power. However in 1900's the development of the Ogasawara Islands became the big undertaking accompanied with the strong sovereign power and the large budget of "the Empire of Japan". The "Ogasawara-sima En-yo Gyogyo Kaisha" (meaning "the Ogasawara Islands Pelagic Fishery Company") which was founded and backed up by the local agency of "the Empire of Japan" took the initiative in this undertaking. Moreover the company began to appropriate the life world around "kikajin(s)". In 1910 the naturalized people in the Ogasawara Islands repelled the local agency to defend their automatic life world. "Nan-yo" was "found" the ideal proving ground of the development based on the principle of "free trade", and/but "Nan-yo" was the critical point of such development. This critical point was the inevitable and immanent result of "the imperialism of free trade" (by J. Gallagher & R. Robinson).
著者
中山 ちなみ
出版者
京都大学文学部社会学研究室
雑誌
京都社会学年報 : KJS
巻号頁・発行日
no.5, pp.171-194, 1997-12-25

The term "life" (seikatsu) is indispensable concept for describing today's sociopsychological trends of Japanese people. People tend to take interests in their residential conditions or leisure "life" rather than their occupational conditions: it is a contrast to the "workaholic" in the past few decades. Some people are interested in environmental problems or reconsider the system of their consumption "life". In Japanese sociological tradition, Life Structure Approach (Seikatsu Kozo Ron) has often treated these human life problems. Reviewing studies from this perspective, we find four focuses in this approach: (1) family, (2) social stratification, (3) community, and (4) total society. Many findings have been obtained through this approach, but there is little general framework for synthesizing these findings. In this article, a framework for empirical studies of human life in social conditions is examined. This framework is constructed on following three main aspects. (1) Life sphere: total life is divided into occupational life, residential life, and leisure life. (2) Dimension of life: human life consists of behavior, material condition, institutional condition, and consciousness. (3) Time and space: these are indispensable factors controlling all person's behaviors. This framework can be of used not only to put several findings about human life structure in order, but also to analyze life problems (seikatsu mondai) in contemporary Japanese society.
著者
近森 高明
出版者
京都大学文学部社会学研究室
雑誌
京都社会学年報
巻号頁・発行日
no.8, pp.81-96, 2000-12

This article deals with the animal anti-cruelty movement in Meiji era Japan. Since the first years of the era, some people noticed rampant cruelties towards working horses on the street. The movement to prevent such cruelties began in 1899 with an article which appeared in a popular magazine Taiyou (The Sun) by Tatsutaro Hiroi, a scholar of religion. Since then he eagerly engaged himself in joumalism to admonish and call on people to prevent cruelty to animals. Finally he founded the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals in 1902. What makes us curious is the fact that around the year 1900 a lot of other social problems occurred and drew public attention such as problems of poverty and suffering of factory laborers. We can describe the situation around the time as this: a (socially constructed) gaze which notices "pain and suffering of others" has spread among Japanese society. But then a question occurs to us. Why was the problem of animals raised at the same time as the problem of workers was raised? Usually people would think that problems concerning human beings have to be solved at first and only then the problem of animals, but why were the course of the facts not this way? The clue to answer this question is the social class to which those who joined in the animal anti-cruelty movement belonged: they were almost all from the upper class. A possible interpretation is as follows: on the one hand, the upper class people internalized the gaze directed to "pain and suffering of others" and noticed the problems of poverty and suffering of workers, but on the other hand, they couldn't make an overall reformation of the social structure because of their class interest. To solve this dilemma, the suffering animals on the street were focused on and the upper class people (unconsciously) tried to concentrate public attention on the problem of animals. The pain and suffering of animals were, as it were, discovered as a safe target of humanity.