著者

Araki James T

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.6, pp.203-216, 1983-03-01

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Tsubouchi Shōyō in 1906 suggested that the medieval Japanese story Yuriwaka Daijin was an adaptation of the story of Ulysses. Although his thesis became well known, it has been discredited and dropped from standard references, particularly since its refutation by such preeminent scholars as Tsuda Sōkichi (history), Yanagida Kunio (folklore), Takano Tatsuyuki (theater), and Watsuji Tetsurō (philosophy). Tsubouchi's essay was not convincing because he relied only on an English translation of the Odyssey for purposes of comparison.The story of Ulysses which became well known in Western Europe in the sixteenth century consisted of elements from the Iliad and Odyssey as well as pōems of the Epic Cycle. A close comparison of the stories of Yuriwaka and Ulysses will show the presence of at least twenty-three parallels in approximately the same order of occurrence. It would be difficult indeed to insist that the two stories share coincidental similarities.Because yuliseez is a recent English pronunciation of Ulysses, its similarity with Yuriwaka may be considered coincidental; for the name Yuriwaka was known in Japan in the 1550s. However, Europeans who had studied Latin in the sixteenth century would have pronounced Ulysses as either ulikses or üliks ―those who had studied in Paris, as St. Francis Xavier had, would probably have preferred üliks, which would have registered as yurikusu in the Japanese ear. The similarity between yurikusu and yurikusa, the probable original reading of the Japanese hero's name, is striking.If we may assume that the story of Yurikusa-waka is basically an adaptation of the story of Ulysses, with additional motifs taken from the Buddhist story about Prince Zenyū (Tripitaka) and other Japanese folk tales, we may then proceed to attempt to answer the question posed by Tsubouchi: "When and by whom was the story of Ulysses transmitted to our country?" The only likely transmitter known to us is a certain member of Xavier 's party, which arrived in Yamaguchi in November of 1550 (solar calendar). A story title "Yuriwaka" was narrated in Kyoto on February 10, 1551.One means of determining when and where the story was transmitted to Japan would be to ascertain when and in what ways the long-forgotten story of Ulysses was revived in Western Europe. This paper will focus on the status of the Homeric epics, the story of Ulysses in particular, in Western Europe during the Middle Ages and the Renaissance.

著者

Araki James T

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.6, pp.203-216, 1983-03-01

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Tsubouchi Shōyō in 1906 suggested that the medieval Japanese story Yuriwaka Daijin was an adaptation of the story of Ulysses. Although his thesis became well known, it has been discredited and dropped from standard references, particularly since its refutation by such preeminent scholars as Tsuda Sōkichi (history), Yanagida Kunio (folklore), Takano Tatsuyuki (theater), and Watsuji Tetsurō (philosophy). Tsubouchi's essay was not convincing because he relied only on an English translation of the Odyssey for purposes of comparison.The story of Ulysses which became well known in Western Europe in the sixteenth century consisted of elements from the Iliad and Odyssey as well as pōems of the Epic Cycle. A close comparison of the stories of Yuriwaka and Ulysses will show the presence of at least twenty-three parallels in approximately the same order of occurrence. It would be difficult indeed to insist that the two stories share coincidental similarities.Because yuliseez is a recent English pronunciation of Ulysses, its similarity with Yuriwaka may be considered coincidental; for the name Yuriwaka was known in Japan in the 1550s. However, Europeans who had studied Latin in the sixteenth century would have pronounced Ulysses as either ulikses or üliks ―those who had studied in Paris, as St. Francis Xavier had, would probably have preferred üliks, which would have registered as yurikusu in the Japanese ear. The similarity between yurikusu and yurikusa, the probable original reading of the Japanese hero's name, is striking.If we may assume that the story of Yurikusa-waka is basically an adaptation of the story of Ulysses, with additional motifs taken from the Buddhist story about Prince Zenyū (Tripitaka) and other Japanese folk tales, we may then proceed to attempt to answer the question posed by Tsubouchi: "When and by whom was the story of Ulysses transmitted to our country?" The only likely transmitter known to us is a certain member of Xavier 's party, which arrived in Yamaguchi in November of 1550 (solar calendar). A story title "Yuriwaka" was narrated in Kyoto on February 10, 1551.One means of determining when and where the story was transmitted to Japan would be to ascertain when and in what ways the long-forgotten story of Ulysses was revived in Western Europe. This paper will focus on the status of the Homeric epics, the story of Ulysses in particular, in Western Europe during the Middle Ages and the Renaissance.

著者

松原 一義

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.7, pp.53-72, 1984-03-01

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The age in which the center of political influence shifted from the Oda-Toyotomi sphere to that of Tokugawa Ieyasu saw the reins to power change hands a number of times. And as a rule, the lives of the men who lived through these times of transition were equally kaleidoscopic. One such man was Imadegawa Harusue (ro Kikutei Harusue), a noble who, along with Toyotomi Hideyoshi, maneuvered at will at court and in the world of politics during the decade 1585-95.Now if Harusue had simply been a man of political influence, and not active in the literary arts, there would be no reason to mention his name in the history of Japanese letters. But the fact of the matter is that he was quite involved in the practice and study of literature, as the following pieces of attested evidence suggest:1. He was trained in the composition of waka by the Lord Sankō (Sanjōnishi Sane'eda), was himself one of Matsunaga Teitoku's teachers, and has left behind a considerable number of poetic compositions.2. A number of his compositions in linked verse also survive.3. He was active in several other artistic pursuits as well, and a leading authority on court and ceremonial precedent (yūshoku kojitsu 有職故実); several such philological works of his survive.4. He had occasion to associate with Satomura Jōha and Hosokawa Yūsai, and shared with the latter what we might call a friendship in the pursuit of elegant refinement.5. One of his daughters married the Regent Hidetsugu; she was known as Ichi no dai, and is the heroine of the Hidetsugu monogatari 秀次物語(also known as Kanpaku-dono monogatari 関白殿物語).6. Harusue copied a manuscript of the Yumeji monogatari 夢路物語(also known as Utatane no sōshi うたたねの草紙). cf. my article "The Yumeji monogatari in the Tawa Series: Reproduced Text with Commentary, "Kokubungaku, no. 96 (December, 1982). (「多和叢書『夢路物語』翻刻と解説」,「国文学攷」第96号,昭和57.12) In spite of all of this, however, any treatment of Harusue to date has been piecemeal. Consequently, the present paper will trace the ups and downs of Harusue's eventful life, and attempt to characterize what is special about both his literary output and his life, by referring to the following works and collections of documents:Taionki 戴恩記Jurakudaigyōkōki 聚楽第行幸記Hidetsugu monogatari 秀次物語Shishaku Mōri Moto'o-shi shozō monjo 子爵毛利元雄氏所蔵文書Kikutei Harusue kaishi eisō 菊亭晴季懐紙詠草Tenshō-Bunroku hyaku'in 天正文禄百韻Kōen Tsugi-uta 公宴続歌Eiroku gannen nikki 永禄元年日記

著者

Vos Frits

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.9, pp.70-88, 1986-03-01

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The contents of the Ochikubo monogatari (late 10th century) have often been related to folk tales of the Cinderella type. The oldest story of this type in the Far East is included in the sequel ( hsü-chi) to the Yu-yang tsa-tsu, compiled by Tuan Ch'eng-shih (d.863). Its heroine is Yeh-hsien, who is badly treated by her stepmother but eventually marries the ruler of an island kingdom. The story probably originated in Vietnam or Southern K wangsi. In modern Vietnam we find a folk tale called Tâm Cám, an obvious `descendant' of the Yeh-hsien story. Tâm and Cám are the daughters of different mothers. Their father is dead and so is the mother of Tâm. Tâm is treated cruelly by her stepmother and stepsister, but again there is a happy ending: Tâm becomes queen, and her stepmother and Cám are severely punished. In Korea the Cinderella motif is most strikingly represented by the K'ongjwi P'atchwi tale.In this paper, the Cheju-do version of the tale has been summarized. Here the stepdaughter eventually becomes the consort of the Son of Heaven. In Japan we find a great many Cinderella - type stories. A résumé of the Awabuku Komebuku tale from Northern Honshū has been included. The typical Cinderella type of folk tale―in the Far East as well as in Europe―has a fixed order of features. The stepmother is always a second wife. She has a daughter of her own whom she treats very nicely. The father of the stepdaughter is either dead or has a weak character. Before the stepdaughter is allowed to attend a festival she has to perform nearly impossible tasks. In fulfilling them she is usually helped by birds. Having accomplished her work she puts on finery, obtained from a supernatural being (in Vietnam and South China from the buried remains of a fish; in that case she follows instructions of a Buddha, Kuan-yin or an immortal). Then she goes to the festivities. After a test (ususally consisting of trying on very small shoes) she marries a king, a prince, scholar or rich man. The stepmother and her daughter are severely punished. The speaker points out that a comparison of the Ochikubo monogatari to the Far Eastern Cinderella tales seems attractive, but is actually far-fetched. In every history of Japanese literature the realism of the Ochikubo monogatari is stressed as one of its characteristics. The unlimited fantasy, the curious jumble of reality and the supernatural and the inapplicability of natural law which are typical of fairy tales, are completely absent in this monogatari. In the speaker's opinion, the author has simply been inspired by existing conditions in 10th century Japan, where polygamy-at least in the higher strata of society-was the rule rather than an exception.A definition of the concept `novel', roman, is given, and it is demonstrated that the contents of the Ochikubo monogatari satisfy the standards required of this literary genre.A survey of several classical works, usually called `novels', in the Far East, Europe and India follows. It is shown that in several countries (China, Korea and the European countries) the novel appears much later in history than in Japan, and that in other countries (ancient Greece, the Roman Empire, India and Vietnam) we can only speak of a so-called novel. The Utsuho monogatari, another work of the late 10th century and considered by every specialist to be of a somewhat earlier date than the Ochikubo monogatari, may not be considered as a novel in the true sense of the word, since the contents of the first of its 20 scrolls are in the nature of a fairy tale.Because of its structure and contents the Ochikubo monogatari occupies a unique place in world literature, in other words: Japan was the first country to produce a novel.

著者

徐 送迎

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.25, pp.57-66, 2002-03-01

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The poem by the emperor Yûryaku which adorns the beginning of the Man'yôshû has long been a subject of debate amongst scholars, each taking literary, historic, anthropologic, and other stances. The question of why Emperor Yûryaku's poem appears at the head of the Man'yôshû has yet to be answered, with the scholarly community still in a state of “the humane seeing humanity and the learned seeing knowledge”.When looking over past research on the subject, numerous interpretations of the poem itself have been made, but on the issue of the poem being based on folklore and difficult to attribute to Emperor Yûryaku himself there is little debate. In other words, the poem is thought to have been attributed to him at a later time. Therefore, for what reason the poem was attributed to the emperor is at the heart of the problem. Of the majority of thinking theories surrounding Emperor Yûryaku’s “personal power” and “spiritual power” have received the most attention, each looking to solve this mystery from the standpoint of politics and literature.This presentation, taking into account the large influence Chinese literature has had on that of Japan, will examine the emperor Yûryaku's poem by comparing it with the first poem of the Shi-Jing (Shikyô), which occupies the same position in Chinese literature as the Man'yôshû in Japan, from the standpoint of research influenced by the French school of thought.Through this comparison, similarities in both content and phrasing have become apparent. It is possible then that these similarities are not a coincidence, but show that the creator of Emperor Yûryaku's poem was influenced by the first poem of the Shi-Jing and possibly the commentaries in Maoshi Guxunzhuan (Môshi Kokunden) and Maoshi Zhuanjian (Môshi Densen). The likelihood that the Man'yôshû, completed in the eighth century, had behind its making a political motive based on the establishment of a federal government based on the ritsuryô system and a desire to stand on an equal footing with China has already been pointed out. With this in mind, it is also likely that the selection of the emperor Yûryaku’s poem for the first in the Man'yôshû was a result of the creator being well versed in Chinese classics, consciously attempting to include and imitate elements of the Shi-Jing in the Man'yôshû and attempting to introduce and accept Confucian philosophy. This spring love poem said to be the “start of man’s humanity” shows the brazen, positive attitude of the ritsuryô nation and its ideal of “great unification”.

著者

林 晃平

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.24, pp.33-54, 2001-03-01

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There seem to have been several rules untouched in the story in terms of picturing the Urashima legend. Focusing on these, Urashima's clothes of the time when he returned from Ryûgû is one of them. In most picture scrolls Urashima is dressed in eboshi-kariginu, which is usually yellowish brown with some exceptions of which being yellow green. In my opinion, there might have been the rules among painters or the consensus about the image of visitors from a different world.There are cases misunderstanding itself expands the pictures. Some of the picture scrolls of Urashima in the early modem times contain the scene that okina-ôna(an old couple), a woman and Urashima are sitting facing each other. The scene is set between the times he catches the turtle and he stays with Otohime at Ryûgû, but the story doesn't have the description matching the scene. It seems that it happened because the original scene that Ryuô and Otohime welcome Urashima was redrawn as if the scene is set in our real world. Also, in the picture of his journey to Ryûgû, a boy is rowing the boat which is originally supposed to have only a woman aboard. It can be also guessed that the boy Urashima was described as a man with sakayaki and, with a lag between pictures, the picture was redrawn as the one explained above.The typical model of Urashima legend described from the early modern times to the modern times is Urashima Tarô riding a turtle, which already started in the early 18th centruy. It's often drawn in kusazôshi and nishikie. What is strange is Urashima riding the turtle standing on it. This may be because of making it look like “Bodhidharma crossing the Yangzi River on a reed”, and the turtle leading Urashima to Ryûgû is a minogame, which is regarded as sacred and appeared in the 17th century. The minogame was gradually turned into a normal turtle based on the idea of emphasizing the relationship with the sea as the meaning of minogame died out, but you can still find the turtle with a reedy tail in the present illustrated books.As you see, the style of Urashima legend described in the pictures had been changing through the years. The pictures change by themselves apart from the main story and it seems that they sometimes caused the story to change.

著者

項 青

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.17, pp.9-23, 1994-10-01

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It is said that the question as to whether The Tale of Urashima is Chinese or Japanese arose from its similarity to the Tale of Yamasachi-Umisachi found in The Kojiki. Indeed they share a great many elements. However, the greatest basic difference between them is found in the theme of a time-slip in another world. Since no gap between the passage of time in the other world and the world of humans is visible in the Tale of Yamasachi-Umisachi found in The Kojiki we can perhaps conclude that this element is Chinese.By comparing The Tale Of Urashima with the Tang dynasty romance, Liu-yi-chuan, which it most closely resembles, I have pointed out all of the elements which they have in common in literary expression and god-like recluse Daoist thought and have also taken a look at all of the differences between the two. The Liu-yi-chuan, which was completed in China during the mid-Tang, is both a story of an extended stay in an enchanted garden and a tale of a water-god's home. However, The Tale of Urashima, while having the two above elements, is very different from the mid-Tang Liu-yi-chuan in that it also has a drifting-ashore motif like that of The Tale of Yamasachi-Umisachi in The Kojiki with the driftingashore motif. In addition, in the Liu-yi-chuan expressions concerning the recluse's elixir and immortality are very prominent while in contrast The Tale of Urashima has little to say about the recluse's elixir and brings up only the god-like recluse idea of immortality. I believe that this indicates that there is something of a difference between the understanding and reception of god-liki recluse Daoism in the two countries.Also, the Chinese conception of time often seen in a story of an extended stay in an enchanted garden as in the expression ,"A day in Heaven is like unto a year on earth,"is found in The Tale of Urashima as "three years is like unto three hundred years," or in expressions like "seventh-generation grandchildren," while in Liu-yi- chuan on the contrary such a view of time is not much touched upon. I have investigated the disparity in the use of such expressions.My conclusion is that ancient Japanese adapted the culture which they imported to their concerns, gradually absorbed it by means of their own peculiar method of digestion, and without being conscious of doing so transformed it into a literature written in classical Chinese peculiar to Japan, so that it went through a process of changing into culture or thought which has a thoroughly Japanese flavor.

著者

魯 惠卿

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.21, pp.37-54, 1998-10-01

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Izumi Kyoka based "Tsunbo no Isshin " on his late father Kiyotsugu, and the depiction it gives us of Kyoka's state of mind in the wake of his father's death makes the work an important one. The author's original text, with corrections added by Ozaki Koyo, is among the archives of Keio Gijuku Library. Ozaki's corrections are numerous, but no research has yet been done on the nature of these corrections. A comparison of Kyoka's uncorrected hand-written text with the published corrected version is essential if we are to understand Kyoka's original intentions, as well as the process by which the work subsequently developed.Ozaki's corrections range from punctuation, and kana added to Chinese characters, to alterations to the content of the work itself. I shall concentrate on the latter, which may be characterized in two ways. Firstly, changes were made to the nature of the narrative. "Tsunbo no Isshin" is a first-person narrative, but the narrator (yo) is also the doctor supervising "Isshin" who is a craftsman. While Kyoka's hand-written text describes the psychology and behaviour of the narrator, who sympathizes with Isshin and his family, the version corrected by Ozaki tends to delete much of this, simplifying the relationships between characters. In Kyoka's text, as well as a portrayal of Isshin, there is also detailed description of the tender attachment between Okoma and the narrator, and the filial devotion of Okoma's younger brother. By contrast, Ozaki's corrected version concentrates mainly on Isshin's behaviour and his attitude to his work in the period leading up to his death. Ozaki's decision to change the original title of the work, "Kame no Saiku" to "Tsunbo no Isshin", illustrates this.I would like to consider the above points, and to elucidate what it was that Kyoka attempted to describe in his original text, his feelings for his late father, and the processes of the work's formation.

著者

黄 智暉

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.29, pp.85-99, 2006-03-01

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The mutual influence in writing yomihon between Santo Kyoden and Kyokutei Bakin during the Bunka period (1804 to 1817) has already long been understood, but the influence of Kyoden’s works on Bakin’s long yomihon following Kyoden’s Souchouki, his last yomihon work published in 1813, has been left largely unexamined.The third volume of Shousen Joushi Aki no Nanakusa, printed in 1809, which represents the battle between the Northern and Southern dynasties as a fight between crows and herons, has already been shown to have taken the idea from Kyoden’s Chushin Suikoden (published 1799) wherein a battle between yellow butterflies signals danger for the Enya house. In this presentation, it will be shown that volume six of Souchouki, depicting red and white botan and blue-white butterflies, actually takes its influence from the above section in Shousen Joushi Aki no Nanakusa, as well as that Bakin’s later Kaikan Kyouki Kyoukaku Den (published 1832) uses this part of Souchouki in its plot. In turn, it will be shown that these two authors from the same era did not merely exchange ideas repeatedly, but look into the meaning of unusual happenings being omens of war in historical novels. Concretely, the depictions of these unusual happenings are not simply used in one instance to forewarn of future developments, but are attached to the theme of the work and used to present the author’s view of history. This is a feature of Bakin’s writing, which will be made clearer through comparisons with Kyoden.Also, Aro Kassen Monogatari and Hitsujigusa, two works thought to have been referred to by Bakin and Kyoden, will be included in the analysis. In particular, comparisons between the pedantic soothsaying described in Aro Kassen Monogatari will be compared with the I Ching-styled themes Bakin frequently uses in his yomihon. In Bakin’s case, he borrows from earlier fiction, but goes beyond them by looking to correct political ideas, making his novels into historical criticisms. For Bakin, describing omens and soothsaying does not merely work as a device for moving the story along, but holds an important function as representing the author's ideas, as is also seen in works of history.

著者

岸田 依子

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.22, pp.61-78, 1999-10-01

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Socho Shuki, a travel diary of the renga master Socho, covers a span of time of six years, starting with the 2nd year of the Daiei period (1522). It describes Socho's two trips between his home in Suruga and the capital, and his journeys to Echizen and Omi―the details serve well an inquiry into the life of medieval renga masters.The trip between the countryside and the capital implies the existence of a border, but this is itself divided into a multitude of borders. The last part of the Muromachi period witnesses a strengthening of the shugo system (by which each of the shugo daimyo was ruling over a part of the country) controlling the whole country―the control over land and people belonged exclusively to the daimyo, who were thus giving their possesions a status very close to that of a small country in itself. This is why in Socho's travels the borderlines between country and country are given more attention than the natural borderlines of mountains, rivers, peaks and slopes; and also this is why the renga poems in the diary are, more than often, offered not to the gods of the mountain or of the road, than to the respective country rulers. Renga masters, being semi-priests, differ from the ordinary people―they belong to the border between the sacred and the profane; their renga seances in the ruling daimyo castles and residences can be viewed as having a magic function of sanctuary. In this age of unceasing strife over and alteration of borderlines, when countries were in antagonist positions, renga meetings, based on common rules of composition as pre-scripted by yoriai and shikimoku, were a place where a different type of order and associations was brought about through the unification and harmonization of creative powers. As a meeting place as well as on the level of the creation process, renga was an art that brought the cosmic interrelatedness of things and the harmony to light.The journey of Socho Shuki starts in the 75th year of Socho's life. It was a trip intended to make him spend his last days in the Syuon'an in Takigi related to Ikkyu, that is, for him personally it also was a trip from his birthplace to the place he wished to die in, the place he wanted to make the departure point to the other world. This paper is an attempt to look at these various borders and at their symbolic meanings.

著者

国文学研究資料館

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.12, pp.176-181, 1989-03-01

著者

Clark Steven

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.27, pp.145-153, 2004-03-01

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This year marks the 20th anniversary of Terayama Shûji's death as well as the 20th anniversary of the opening of Tokyo Disneyland. Overreading the possible causality (as Terayama might have) we might wonder if Terayama had been reincarnated as Mickey or if the Tokyo Mickey killed Terayama Shûji. And yet, the two may be linked together by copyright more than is usually recognized. Mickey Mouse is known to be source of extending the term of copyright whereas Terayama has been thought of as a leader in the struggle against it. And yet, with Terayama also famous for his unrestrained creativity, he was a very paradoxical figure. Taking up this contradiction as a theme I will examine the plagiarism controversy following Terayama's tanka debut, "Chiehofusai"(The Chekhov Festival); his quotation of his own work in the film, Den’en ni shisu (I Shall Die in the Country); and the play Aohigekô no shiro (Duke Bluebeard's Castle) which was performed again this year. The main problem will be examining how copyright would operate if it is understood to cover both content and method in the case of an artist whose method involves making a collage of other peoples work. If Terayama willfully set up this antimony, what was his point?Aohigekô no shiro is a particularly interesting text in this regard. By 1977 when the Tenjô Sajiki first performed the play at the Seibu Theater they had already done another play called Aohige as well as another Bartok opera called Chugoku no fushigi na yakunin (The Strange Chinese Official). The play, then, was both a revision and a sequel. Add that to the longstanding discourse on Bluebeard which includes Perrault's fairytale, others by the Grimm Brothers, and English translations by Andrew Lang, whose life bears a striking resemblance to that of Walt Disney. In the 1960s Bataille's essay on Gilles de Rais shifted the mythical Bluebeard toward a historical personage, and Shibusawa Tatsuhiko and George Steiner also contributed essays on the subject. Terayama, in the 1977 play, aimed to rewrite the myths that would uphold the historical existence of the historicized Bluebeard and Jeanne d'Ark. In this presentation I will look at how these processes of transferring history into myth and copyright into public property cohere.

著者

寺田 澄江

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:ISSN0387)

巻号頁・発行日

no.27, pp.69-80, 2004-03-01

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From the Ancient to the Middle age, the fundamental poetical structure progressively shifts from a linear discourse, represented by “pillow word (makura kotoba)” or “introductive word (jo-kotoba)”, to a “compositive” one, illustrated by “associated words (engo)”. This evolution in the discourse strategy takes form, in terms of waka’s versification, the establishment of a very clear double structure―splitten into kami no ku (l7syllables) and shimo no ku (14syllables)―which is related itself with the development of the short linked poetry (tan renga) in the later Heian period. This marginal poetical category, generally treated as a simple transitive form between the waka and the linked poetry, has its part in the important changes in the organization principle of the waka.Minamoto no Toshiyori, to whom the originality in the composition was his great concern, devoted himself to the short linked poetry, considering it as a sole poetical form which one can be proud of among the literary works of his time. According to Kenshô, he difined himself as follows:“I’m not a poem teller (or poem singer: uta yomi) but a poem maker (uta tsukuri). I mean, what I do is, rather than regarding fine effects (fuzei), combining exquisite words and structuring them.”I will try to clarify in what way Toshiyori’s keen concern to the originality is related with this manifesto-- a very expression of the “compositive” discourse-- and with his interest to the short linked poetry.

著者

Williams Mark

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:ISSN0387)

巻号頁・発行日

no.29, pp.163-171, 2006-03-01

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During the course of the past century, Japan confronted the whole gamut of historical, political and economic experience - and this has made the question of what makes a person ‘Japanese’ an important area of intellectual endeavor. In this paper, I shall be examining the various ways in which Japanese authors of the twentieth century have approached the task of defining the ‘Self’ - through an examination of the various ‘Others’ they have established for this purpose. Broadly speaking, these can be divided into three categories : ‘external Others’ (i.e. those established by authors confronting the world beyond Japan’s boundaries: e.g. Nagai Kafû, Endô Shûsaku, Yokomitsu Riichi, etc. ); ‘internal Others’ (i.e. those whose identities are often constructed in terms of being Other to some Japanese ‘norm’: e.g. the burakumin, those of ambivalent sexualities, those left behind by the ‘economic miracle’, the deracinated postwar population, zainichi-Kankokujin writers, and women writers). Finally, I shall consider the possibility of some liminal, middle ground-by examining those who are not ethnically Japanese but who have at some time assumed or been forced to assume a Japanese identity due to historical circumstance (e.g. Okinawan literature, zainichi literature, Taiwanese literature written in Japanese). By exploring the nature of the Japanese identity these authors have assumed, we are returned, whether consciously or not, to a consideration of the cultural identity of Japan.

著者

中村 哲郎

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:ISSN0387)

巻号頁・発行日

no.3, pp.55-64, 1980-02-01

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The contact of kabuki and Westerners started long ago at the end of the sixteenth century. And then after the opening of Japan to the West towards the end of the nineteenth century, the art form that the average Westerner first knew as “the theater of Japan“ was kabuki―not noh, a formalized art form with a limited audience, one for the ruling classes.However, the Western intellectuals who visited Japan in the mid-Meiji period and saw both kabuki and noh and then evaluated their quality as art forms leaned overwhelmingly towards noh, and in the twentieth century this tendency became ever more pronounced. Even within Japan, in the late Meiji periud opinions such as N atsume Soseki’s famous pro-noh and anti-kabuki stand were heard. He wrote,“I don’t hesitate to declare a performance vulgar. In contrast to this, noh can be thought of as creating a pure world separate from this everyday mundane one; it is played honestly and straightforwardly.”Thus East and West displayed a united front in this matter.In this paper the author has examined why this should have been so. In their first encounter with modern Westerners neither kabuki ―emblematic of the Edo popular arts― nor the bunraku puppet theater nor Japanes traditional music and dance gave rise to such fervent and devoted admirers as those for noh like Fenollosa or Perry. It is safe to say that, in comparison with the case of noh, there was not even one single Western intellectual in the modern age who truly loved kabuki wholeheartedly. We can probably attribute this to modern Western man, with his yardstick of individualism for judging art , finding it difficult to grasp the essence of many aspects of a riotous popular theater form like Kabuki and thereby being unable to have a genuine spiritual response to it. In this way, a substantial enconter between kabuki and modern Westerners has had to wait until recent times. It is only very recently that some Western recearchers in the dramatic arts have come to realize the fundamental character of noh and kabuki: if noh is Grecian and Apollonian , then kabuki is Roman and Dionysian.Even today a fixed attitude of disdain towards kabuki remains among a minority of intellectuals in the West, and this can be considered as one cause of the disparity that can be seen in both quality and quantity between noh research and that into kabuki in the West today and of the scanty numbers of speciali sts in Edo literature as well.

著者

ツゥリト ジョン

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:ISSN0387)

巻号頁・発行日

no.4, pp.24-33, 1981-02-01

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The tradition of diary literature, nikki bungaku, is a long and distinguished one within Japanese letters. Critical attention, however, has focused on classical diarists and not those of modern times. lbuse Masuji (bn. 1898) is one such present-day writer whose diaries, both his own and those kept by his fictional characters, are of interest not only for what they reveal about the author himself, but for what they may imply about the very nature of the genre.Ibuse’s own personal diaries frequently recall ―and in a sense, thus memorialize and revive― his unusually numerous friends and relatives who died premature deaths. lbuse’s diaries may be a means of expiating a kind of guilt he experiences as their survivor ; a guilt more fully explored in his fictional diaries, the most notable of which is Shigematsu's in Black Rain (Kuroi ame). Here, a survivor of the atomic holocaust in Hiroshima attempts to conceptualize, and thereby master, the trauma of the bomb by rewriting years later his brief diary of August, 1945.In conclusion, diaries, which by their periodic entries come to resemble a ritual, serve to bring a disorderly or even incomprehensible external world under the control of the writer's literary and recreative act.

著者

劉 穎

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:ISSN0387)

巻号頁・発行日

no.34, pp.141-153, 2011-03-31

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“Zhinang (Chinou)” is a book of contriving schemes of the ancient compiled by Feng Menglong in late Chinese Ming dynasty. Although some things have been pointed out about acceptance of this book in early modern Japan, no systematic arrangement and general analysis have been made.In literature, kana-zoushi “CHIE-KAGAMI” (1660) by Tsujihara Genpo is based on this book. It is pointed out that “CHIE-KAGAMI” exerted more than a little influence on Ihara Saikaku and Ejima Kiseki’s ukiyo-zoushi, which, however, I must say was an indirect influence from “Zhinang”. In fact, this book and early modern Japanese literature have an intimate relation. For instance, excerpts from this book are confirmed in similar books published in Japan such as “Kunmou-koji-yougen” and “Yugu-zuihitsu”. Also, as to yomihon “Aoto-Fujitsuna-moryouan” by Kyokutei Bakin, several ideas in his works are considered to be based on this book and his works are deeply related to this book in terms of composition as well.On the other hand, until now, acceptance of “Zhinang” has been little mentioned in other areas except in literature. Now, I want to look at how this book has been accepted in the fields of education and academia in early modern Japan.National Diet Library houses a manuscript called “Chinou-kikigaki” copied by Confucian scholar Nakai Riken which is believed to be an explanatory booklet for this book. One fifth of “Choushou-ian” compiled by other Confucian scholar Tsusaka Touyou in the late Edo period was written based on this book. It shows the Confusion scholars’ high level of interest in this book. The reasons are not only the contents of the book, but also it seems to be affected by the fact that Feng Menglong was a Yangming Xue scholar.The publication of this book in Japan compiled by a Confucian scholar Ikai Keisho was a milestone in the history of its acceptance (1821). Then, the book became widely read and known than before. People began to acknowledge the value of the book gradually and the feudal government's school Shouhei-kou published the book as the government publication, and the Hiroshima Domain and the Yoshimi Domain followed suit. That shows the usefulness of this book as a textbook.Therefore, when we think about the history of acceptance, we must recognize the two sides of the book; one is the literary side providing materials and ideas to similar books in Japan, ukiyo-zoushi and yomihon, and the other is the educational side teaching knowledge and tenets to Confucian scholars.

著者

Mikołaj Melanowicz

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.15, pp.98-107, 1992-03-01

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Tanizaki is well known in the world mainly as the author of "The Makioka Sisters" (Sasameyuki, 1943-48, tr. 1957) in Edward G. Seidensticker's translation, and Howard Hibbet's "Diary of a Mad Old Man"( Fūten rōjin nikki, 1961-62, tr. 1969). In the last decade Anthony H. Chambers, "Naomi" (Chijin no ai, 1925, tr. 1985) and "The Secret History of the Lord of Musashi" (Bushōkō hiwa, 1932, tr. 1982) and Paul McCarthy's "A Cat, a Man, and Two Women" (Neko to Shozo to futari no onna, 1936, tr. 1990) and “Childhood Years, A Memoir” (Yōshō Jidai, 1955-56, tr. 1988) have enriched world literature.The bizarre novel "Bushūkō hiwa" is comparatively less acclaimed, but in which the writer's main features stand out in relief admirably well.The hero in "Bushūkō hiwa" is characterized in principle as a paragon of the samurai' ethos and his fate also was typical of that of the Japanese warrior aristocracy in the Sengoku age of civil war. "Bushūkō hiwa", though different from "Ashikari" and "Shunkinshō" in that its leading character is male, in a story, nevertheless, the main events are caused by women.Kaname (“Tade kuu mushi”) , Sasuke, Shunkin (“Shunkinshō"). O'yu ("Ashikari”), Yaichi and Oichi (“Mōmoku monogatari”), as they appear in Tanizaki's novels, hold no concepts such as race, nation, native country or faith. The concepts that extend beyond the individual have no decisive influence on their thought or behaviour. Only cultural and aesthetic inducements and inmost impulse move them. A combination of these two factors is depicted most vividly in "Bushūkō hiwa", especially in a scene where a beautiful young woman is purifying a severed head with the hero looking on. The decisive and absolute factor for the hero, that is aesthetics, will be discussed in the paper.

著者

Chironov Segey

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:ISSN0387)

巻号頁・発行日

no.25, pp.49-56, 2002-03-01

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In order to describe the common points between Tarkovsky and Ôe we shall see Ôe's piece of short fiction, Stalker, where he deals directly with Tarkovsky's film by the same name. Stalker being based on an SF novel by Strugatskys, and also taking into account Ôe's own interest in science fiction, it is possible to draw a parallel between. both artists' preoccupation with problems modern science fiction poses, nuclear/environmental crisis of humanity foremost among those.Ôe's attention in Stalker is primarily drawn to the figure of the Stalker, or the Guide, himself. Messiah-viewed by the director, Stalker is related to the New Brother Gi, the Saviour in Ôe's Green Tree Aflame. Both are strongly conscious of the Way=Salvation motif. Now, Tarkovsky's typical Village, sought by Stalker in a postenvironmental- collapse Zone, is the same “place where to return to” or “the base” as the “little valley” of Ôe's works. There is also a parallelism between the wandering and quest by the heroes of Tarkovsky's films ― and “departure”, march in Ôe's fiction. Both artists pay special attention to the motif of mistaken departure/choice of the route, while in the discussions about the Way conducted by the heroes works by the artists of the world are widely referred to. The difficulties of the Way are also used to stress Stalker's and Gi's suffering and weakness which in turn are related to the eventual failure of Messiahs in both cases.In the focus of Ôe's attention in Stalker is also Stalker's mentally handicapped daughter. To both artists such people are “scales” where the struggling forces of Evil and Good are poised. Ôe, who had dealt with the question of whether a mentally disabled child is Christ or Antichrist as early as in his Personal Matter, accepts the apparition of the Stalker's daughter as the Second coming. Later, in Green Tree Aflame, he will revert to the phenomenon of psychic abnormalities in the example of Gi, endowed with healing ability and exercising power of will to prevent an environmental catastrophe.Ôe's interest in Stalker's family in general is connected to his preoccupation with problems of death and generation change. Both he and Tarkovsky are inclined to view these in the light of the cyclical history concept. In Green Tree Aflame Ôe is introducing his son, Hikari, and seeing him off to an independent existence―which can explain the cry of joy ("Rejoice!") the book closes upon. It is in the same way that Ôe approaches Stalker's daughter who, in his opinion, will grow into a still more powerful Guide―thus showing more optimism than Tarkovsky.The selfsame problem both artists deal with here is how to overcome death/crisis of humanity and break through into the future. Both treat this, to a certain extent, along the lines of Christianity, only it would have been impossible for Tarkovsky to follow too close in religion's steps for all the Soviet influence he had to go along with, and neither is Ôe a “believer in one specific god”. Both would rather search for the solution in the depths of the world culture, trying to bring up as much of it as possible. But then another problem arises―the inability of a modern man to fully accept culture he is vested with. Looking at what Ôe suggests in order to cope with that should be a topic for future studies.

著者

梁 喜辰

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.36, pp.67-88, 2013-03-31

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The works of Kobayashi Takiji returned to the limelight when the “Kanikōsen” boom occurred in Japan in 2008. There is a strong relation between this boom and the spread of new liberalism in Japan. The novel “Kanikōsen” became a topic of conversation among the young who were distressed by the ‘kakusa shakai (disparity society)’ and it would have been exacerbated by the boom.The reason why Japanese people have started reading Takiji’s novels again might lie in the ‘ruijisei (resemblance)’ between today and the period when Takiji lived. People are now facing a ‘once in a century’ financial crisis following Subprime Shock and Lehman Shock. This situation shook not only Japan but also the world economy. It goes without saying that the new liberalism relates to this state of things.Takiji was a communist and there are many novels which depicted class conflict in his novels written after he made his debut to the literary world in earnest. His debut novel “ 一九二八年三月十五日 (15th March 1928)”took up the incident‘San ichi go jiken (The 15th March incident)’ in 1928 as its subject and it portrayed the arrest of the Japanese communists in Hokkaido. Kurahara Korehito valued the novel as ‘one of the important suggestions for the future development of proletarian literature’ although it has ‘a defect as art’. Kurahara might have valued the novel from the point of the movement of proletarian literature’s realism which he advocated. It seems that he did not dare to mention the literary side of it.In this presentation, I am going to examine this‘defect as art’of“ 一九二八年三月十五日”and make clear how the proletarian novelist Takiji understood the reality of the day as well as how he depicted it by using literary expression.