著者

坂倉 篤義

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.8, pp.98-114, 1985-03-01

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Currently available dictionaries of pre-modern Japanese (kogojiten) tend to be biased towards representing the lexicon of classical literary texts. For example, entries under the word okashi in such dictionaries, with one or two exceptions, give, first of all, definitions such as (1) interesting, (2) tasteful or suggestive, (3) superior, or (4) lovely, and only supply in last place the definition (5) comical or funny. In some cases this last definition is omitted altogether.In the literature of the Heian court, especially the Makuranosōshi, noted for its thematization of okashi, the value of okashi, together with aware, occupies a dominant position, and in the case of this literature, it is indeed true that okashi can be understood, as a rule, within the compass of definitions (1) through (4) offered above. This usage of okashi remains, however, a distinctive feature of classical narrative literature of genres such as the nikki (diary) or monogatari (tale, recit). For other narrative genres, e.g. setsuwa (fables, anecdotal tales), definitions (1) through (4) of okashi are often inapplicable. Of the 94 instances of okashi in the Konjakumonogatari, (a setsuwa-shū) for example, as many as 42 call for the 5th definition above. (Such examples are especially frequent in books 24 and 28 of that work.) The infrequent appearance of okashi with sense (5) in Heian nikki snd monogatari is attributable to the subject matter of these genres. In texts of the medieval period and after, although okashi appears in sense (1) through (4) in the archaistic prose of the Tsurezuregusa and other texts, as an instance of bungo (the "literary style"), such occurences elsewhere are rare, and in general, okashi, in this period and after, always has sense (5), "laugh provoking" or "odd". In short, the word okashi has been used consistently with the senses of "laugh-provoking", "strange" ever since it was defined in the early Heian lexicon Shinsenjikyo as "waraubeshi anaokashi," and these are its original senses. The use of okashi in other senses in Heian literature represents a temporary expansion of the meaning of the term in literary language.If editors of dictionaries of pre-modern Japanese intend to present faithfully the lexicon-historical realities, they will have to make a departure from the tradition, which dates back to the Edo period, of inflating the importance of classical literary texts.

著者

須藤 圭

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.39, pp.23-38, 2016-03-17

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The phrase “Onna ni te miru” appears in several volumes of The Tale of Genji. It is said to mean either “to look at a man as if he were a woman” or “to look at a man as if one were a woman.” In this presentation, I call into question the gender bias underlying the act of translation by examining the ways in which the phrase “Onna ni te miru” has been translated. The phrase “Onna ni te miru” has already been thoroughly investigated.Yoshikai Naoto’s “ ‘Onna ni te miru’ to kōzokubi (‘Onna ni te miru’ and Royal Beauty)” (Genji Monogatari no shinkōsatsu: ningen to hyōgen no kyojitsu (A New Investigation of The Tale of Genji: The Truth and Falsehood of Humanity and Expression), Ohfu, 2003) insists that the meaning of “Onna ni te miru” is simply to look on a man as a woman. In response to this, Royall Tyler’s “Dansei no imēji o oou josei no Beēru (A Female Veil that Covers the Image of a Man)” (Kōza Genji Monogatari Kenkyū 11 (Lectures on The Tale of Genji Studies 11) Kaigai ni okeru Genji Monogatari (The Tale of Genji Overseas), Ohfu, 2008) points out the difficulty of comprehending the hidden meanings in the motif of a man putting on a “female veil” based on the authors’ own experiences with English translation.However, the question of what form the phrase “Onna ni te miru” takes in English translation, for instance, has never been discussed. In translating “Onna ni te miru,” there are more options than simply “to look at a man as if he were a woman” or “to look at a man as if one were a woman.” It is sometimes translated as “to look like a woman” while maintaining male gender, or as “it would have been better if their genders were switched.” “Onna ni te miru” has been translated in numerous, varied ways.In this presentation, I will examine the roles the phrase “Onna ni te miru” has taken and the meanings it has assumed in various contexts including modern Japanese translations as well as multiple translations into foreign languages. By doing so, I will question the act of translation itself and attempt to investigate gender differences between Japanese and foreign languages as well as those between the Heian Period and today.

著者

王 勇

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.24, pp.1-15, 2001-03-01

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The very interesting point is how Japanese were described in Chinese material and drawn in pictorial material. Waren (Japanese) in Zhigong Tu is said to be the oldest portrait of Japanese, but I would like to observe both literal and pictorial material focusing on the figure of members of kentôshi.It is well known in Japan that they had to be intellectual and handsome in order to become members of kentôshi. What kind of impression did they give to Chinese?First I would like to examine the member's image that Chinese had referring to description written in material about Awata no Mahito as handsome with dignity, Abe no Nakamaro as breathtaking handsome and Sakaibe no Okita as tall without much of hair. The meaning of "shintokukan (jindeguan)" that Awata no Mahito wore, the origin of the phrase of “breathtaking handsome” and the background of the phrase of “tall without much of hair” are especially considered.Secondary, I would like to take a look at Liben-tu in the tomb of Zhanghuai-Taizi, The Portrait of Jishi Zhangdan in Tokyo National Museum, Minghuang Huiqi-tu and the like. There are two theories; one is that the member on a mission drawn in Liben-tu is a man of Gaojuli. The other one is that he is a Japanese. I will guess which one referring to the literal material and presume the Japanese in The Portrait of Kishi-no Nagani drawn by Tang royal painters. A monk playing a game of go with Emperor Xuanzong in Minghuang Huiqi-tu should be examined with a Japanese monk, Benshô.Based on the literal and pictorial material listed above, I would like to consider the diplomatic significance that the figure of members to Tang gave in the ancient eastern Asia and emphasize the historical facts of the pictorial material.

著者

岡部 明日香

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.28, pp.97-111, 2005-03-01

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Genji Monogatari was written in the middle of the Heian period, but from the Kamakura period on, Chinese poetry (kanshi) based on the story and attempts to translate it into Chinese (kanbun) were made. HikaruGenji Monogatari Wo Fusuru Shi (Shouou 4) features kanshi composed for each chapter, a style that was carried on through to the late Edo period with Shi Shi Ginpyou (Tenpou 9, by Narushima Chikuzan). In the Meiji era, prose kanbun interpretations appear, such as “Wakamurasaki”, “Nakagawa Suisou Bikou (Hahakigi)”, and “Utsusemi” from Yakujun Kigo (Meiji 18, by Kikuchi Sankei) and Shi Shi (Meiji 26, Kawai Jirou).This presentation will look at such “kanyaku Genji” works, focusing on the Meiji era. The Edo period work Shi Shi Ginpyou continued to exert an influence into the Meiji era, and will therefore be looked at as well.Shi Shi Ginpyou was published in Kagetsu Sinshi (Meiji 12), a magazine run by Chikuzan’s son Narushima Ryuuhoku. In Showa 15, Chinese scholar Taniguchi Kairan of Shimane published a commentary as well as composed “Ji-in” (Chinese poems on the Genji Monogatari).Yakujun Kigo features kanyaku reneditions of a variety of works of Japanese literature, and includes partial translations of the Genji Monogatari. The Chinese scholar Adachi Keitei of Nagasaki published the work in Meiji 44 after Sankei's death, but “Nakagawa Suisou Bikou (Hahakigi)” and “Utsusemi” were excluded by Keitei based on his personal ethics. Kikuchi Sankei was also involved in editing Kagetsu Shinshi, and had an interesting connection to Shi Shi Ginpyou.Only the Utsusemi chapter remains from Shi Shi.This presentation will examine the characteristics of each interpretation, as well as the influences seen in and exerted by the works. Modern Chinese studies around the time of the Mejii Restoration carried over the literary traditions of Japan through to the Edo period while including the products of the new era. We will also try and examine what the Chinese scholars of such a time thought of the Genji Monogatari.

著者

井上 泰至

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.29, pp.127-137, 2006-03-01

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In the Edo period, the number of works that depict war and warriors (kinsei gunsho) easily exceeds 100 for those published, and many more for those that survive as manuscripts. However, because these works were used politically pre-war for nationalistic purposes, and the post-war backlash led to an avoidance of examining them directly, the research into this field in Japan could not be said to be very active.This presentation will look into two points. First, records on the situation in Japan as written by foreign visitors and research into Japan overseas, particularly in the United States, will be introduced. These provide reasons not only to pursue research into kinei gunsho, but also offer hints towards it. The problems and advantages found therein will be discussed. Second, as an example of an application of research that has learned from outside examination of Japan, the problems surrounding the reprinting of Okaya Shigezane's Meisho Genkoroku (1869) in 1909 will be looked at in order to examine the establishment and subsequent reevaluation and rebirth of kinsei gunsho.The evaluation of the Edo period as an age of the commoner has established itself, but the authority and philosophy of rule of the time came from the warrior class. This peculiarity of Japan in East Asia can be seen in the introductions given of Japan by the ambassadors from Korea. The attention given to warrior culture inspired a bushido boom in the Meiji period which expanded to the West, but academically the heroes of Edo culture have been set as the commoners from the time of Sansom's Japan: A Short Cultural History. Post-war, the attention given to warrior culture by Japan researchers in America, such as Reischauer and Bellah, derives from looking for the reasons for modernization in Edo's warrior class. Expanding on this is the recent work of Ikegami Hideko, who proposes a continuity from the cultural resources found in warrior culture and the modern age. Using the vantage point of Japan studies in America, I would like to introduce parts that will offers hints into the meaning of the reprinting of Meisho Genkoroku.

著者

Rabson Steve

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.7, pp.73-87, 1984-03-01

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Since the early 20th century Japanese poets have written with intensity and eloquence in opposition to war. Antiwar poetry in Japan has been composed across a broad spectrum of genres, styles, and philosophical perspectives. Poetry opposed to war in Japan, as elsewhere, tends to by highly personal in nature. Poets often describe the experience of the individual in wartime. Some write explicitly about family members, lovers, friends, and about their own experiences in poems that extract war from the depersonalizing realm of newspaper headlines and casualty figures.During the Russo-Japanese War, Ōtsuka Kusuoko and Yosano Akiko wrote about soldiers at the front. Yosano's admonition to her brother at Port Arthur in "Do Not Give Your Life" caused another poet,Ōmachi Keigetsu, to charge her with treason when the poem was first published in 1904. It has been the subject of lively controversy among literary critics ever since. After World War I poets Momota Sōji and Fukuda Masao wrote poems bitterly critical of Japan's costly military thrust into Siberia. In the 1920s poetry oppesed to war in Japan was often heavily infused with the doctrine of the Proletarian Literature movement. But such works as Miyoshi Jūro's "A Letter to Shantung" and Negishi Masayoshi's highly sarcastic "For the Sake of the Nation" were less ideological in their criticism of the military and the draft.The vast majority of writers in Japan supported the nation's war effort between 1937 and 1945. Still, controversy remains over a small number of poets, such as Yamanoguchi Baku and Kaneko Mitsuharu, whose writing of this period has been interpreted as critical of the war. With the revulsion toward war felt in Japan since 1945, poets have regularly produced antiwar poems that have been published singly and in anthologies.

著者

坪井 秀人

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.27, pp.21-42, 2004-03-01

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The difference in sex between the author, the narrator, and the characters and their interconnection (the difference in sex of the reader could be included as well) is a fascinating topic, but one that is difficult to pursue. In an attempt to offer an approach this subject, this presentation will look at Dazai Osamu’s female monologue novels. Dazai, from the start of his creative career, devoted himself to meta-fiction and similar narrative styles, but from the 1930s to the 40s during the Asian-Pacific War, he focused on writing novels narrated by women. “Joseito” and the post-war work “Shayo” are supposed to be taking “quotes” from the already existing diaries of women, but these “quotes” are almost indistinguishable from “theft”. Rather than simply looking at similarities in expression as “theft”, I would like to focus on what kind of moral problems arise from a male author borrowing (stealing) the voice of a female narrator and the differences that arise due to differences in expression. The special period relevance and connectedness between the war and post-war periods, and if possible comparisons with Uno Chiyo and other female writers of narrative works at that time, will also be looked at.

著者

彭 飛

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.15, pp.9-23, 1992-03-01

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In China there are no classical books of systematic mythology like Kojiki, Nihonshoki, Fudoki in Japan. Very often Chinese myths are taken into history and society. But in some minorities in China quite a few of the myths in their original styles are still seen, and they offer important materials for comparative studies of China and Japan.Today I would like to try a comparison between those minorities' myths, mostly the Naxizu', and those of Japan. My themes will be (l) their common motifs in myths (2) myths seen in the pictograph of the Naxizu and Japanese mythology in Kojiki, Nihonshoki.The pictograph of the Naxizu excited the scholars of letters and literature over the world not only because it is the most pictorial set of letters in the world, but because it has a few people still using it, and because the documents written in the pictograph are greatly important in their contents -myths and songs.We can see in the pictograph and its myths the ancient people's view of the world, their mythical thinking and imagination. Today I'd like to focus mainly on the egg and the germ of the reed in the "myths of oviparity," "floating bridge in heaven", "the moon and the frog," and "the divine marriage." Also I'd like to take up "Amanoiwato-gomori (the Hide in the Gate of the Celestial Rock Cave) and the cock" to look at folk events and legends of the magic power of the cock; the relation between カミ(the upper world) and 神(God); the theme of heaven and earth, men and gods.Finaly I will speak about significance and problems of comparative sutudies on the myths of Japan and China.

著者

吉田 麻子

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.28, pp.77-95, 2005-03-01

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A display of the enormous amounts of historical material connected with Hirata Atsutane and the Ibukinoya Juku kept by the Hirata family is to be held in October this year at the National Museum of Japanese History in Sakura. The presenter was involved in the organization of several thousand pieces, mostly connected with the publication and distribution of Hitrata Atsutane's works. I have also been researching the affect they had on society. Research until now regarding Atsutane's publications have focused on publishing during his lifetime, from Bunka 10 (1813) to Tenpou 14 (1843). This presentation, while utilizing this research, will also seek to look into publishing beyond his death.Hirata Atsutane's written works were printed and spread widely following his death, through the end of the Edo and into the Meiji period. The volume printed and sold goes beyond comparison with that during his lifetime. It is clear that the method of sales and gathering money to cover publishing costs differed before and after his death. At the same time, particularly during the Bakumatsu period, due to the nature of his writings, care had to be placed in avoiding political persecution. Among his works there were some that for a time only found their way into people's hands as hand-copied manuscripts, and some, such as the case of the second volume of Tamadasuki, were printed well after the others in the series.This presentation will examine these works of Atsutane's that were forced to drift between being distributed and simply not printed, based on new historical material.There is a connection between the problems of the need for and reception of Hirata's publications, that is, his version of Kokugaku, and the "level of education" (including that involving Japanese "classics" centered on mythology) within society from the end of the Edo through to the Meiji period, which also connects with the theme of the conference.

著者

小嶋 菜温子

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.37, pp.272-249, 2014-03-31

著者

吉田 麻子

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.28, pp.77-95, 2005-03-01

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A display of the enormous amounts of historical material connected with Hirata Atsutane and the Ibukinoya Juku kept by the Hirata family is to be held in October this year at the National Museum of Japanese History in Sakura. The presenter was involved in the organization of several thousand pieces, mostly connected with the publication and distribution of Hitrata Atsutane’s works. I have also been researching the affect they had on society. Research until now regarding Atsutane’s publications have focused on publishing during his lifetime, from Bunka 10 (1813) to Tenpou 14 (1843). This presentation, while utilizing this research, will also seek to look into publishing beyond his death.Hirata Atsutane’s written works were printed and spread widely following his death, through the end of the Edo and into the Meiji period. The volume printed and sold goes beyond comparison with that during his lifetime. It is clear that the method of sales and gathering money to cover publishing costs differed before and after his death. At the same time, particularly during the Bakumatsu period, due to the nature of his writings, care had to be placed in avoiding political persecution. Among his works there were some that for a time only found their way into people's hands as hand-copied manuscripts, and some, such as the case of the second volume of Tamadasuki, were printed well after the others in the series.This presentation will examine these works of Atsutane’s that were forced to drift between being distributed and simply not printed, based on new historical material.There is a connection between the problems of the need for and reception of Hirata’s publications, that is, his version of Kokugaku, and the “level of education” (including that involving Japanese “classics” centered on mythology) within society from the end of the Edo through to the Meiji period, which also connects with the theme of the conference.

著者

林 相珉

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.31, pp.215-224, 2008-03-31

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Tsumi to Shi to Ai (May 1963, San’ichi Shobō) is a collection of letters written from prison by the 18 years old Japan-resident Korean Ri Chin’u, executed in 1958 for the Komatsugawa murder. It was Ōshima Nagisa who said this collection of letters should be “included in high school textbooks” (“Kōshukei ni tsuite” Eigia Hyōron March, 1968). He directed the film Kōshukei based on Tsumi to Shi to Ai. However, by over sanctifying this collection, the following events which came between the murder and the letters fall into obscurity. For example, Ōoka Shōhei wrote that “At present, it is interesting to note that the movement to save Ri has not gained much momentum among resident Koreans” (“Ri Must Not be Killed” Fujin Kōron October 1960), and resident Korean Kin Tatsuju relates that, when he heard of the murder, he thought “Oh, not again...” and fell “into a dark restlessness”, unable to commit to the movement (“Inside and Outside the Komatsugawa Murder” Bessatsu Shin Nihon Bungaku July 1961). For resident Korean authors to write about this “dark restlessness” contained in the Komatsugawa murder would take 23 years after the event.This presentation will look at Kin Sekihan’s Saishi Naki Matsuri (appeared January, 1981 in Subaru, published by Shūeisha in June of the same year), the first novel based on the Komatsugawa murder by a resident Korean. What is of interest is that a month before the run in Subaru, on December 7, 1980, a dramatization of the Komatsugawa murder called “Why?” aired in Korea with an 80% viewing rate, and on January 10, during the Subaru run, TBS broadcast a “special report” on the “Anti-Japanese Korean TV drama “Komatsugawa Jiken”. Given this foundation, how were Saishi Naki Matsuri and Tsumi to Shi to Ai interpreted? What meaning did it have at that time? This presentation will seek to illuminate these points.

著者

石上 イアゴルニッツァー 美智子

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.10, pp.35-47, 1987-03-01

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Two kinds of works seem to exist among the literary works based on life: firstly the works which spring spontaneously out of the life fully lived by the authors, and secondly the ones composed consciously by the authors with their own or others' lives as material. Zen literature falls into the first category.Then what is the particularity of Zen literature which flourished in the Middle Ages in japan, first with the Shôbôgenzô of Dôgen, then with other works of Zen masters under the name of Gozan literature?Isn't it paradoxical that the experiences of Zen life are communicated by the very words that Zen monks are supposed to disdain?Dôgen says clearly in his Shôbôgenzô that beside the normal logical language there exist "words of insight "which spring out of "bodhi"(insight) and contain inner experiences inexplicable in normal language.The particularity of Zen literature is in these "words of insight."The concrete example of Ryôkan, one of Dôgen's faithful disciples of the Edo era, shows that Dôgen's essential teaching was understood and practiced by Ryôkan. However the latter chose what pleased him among the written messages of his master, himself creating an original way of zen.

著者

月村 麗子

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.11, pp.87-102, 1988-03-01

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The poetry of Hagiwara Sakutaro suggests some of Surrealist paintings.The title image of a baying dog of Hagiwara's epoch-making book, The Howling at the Moon (1917), anticipated Joan Miro's Dog Barking at the Moon (1926). This correspondence indicates that both the poet and the painter used Surrealistically the canine image to express their concept of the creative process: aspiration for and discovery of the unseen reality hidden in the actual world."A Murder Case" (1914) of Hagiwara and Threatened Assasin (c.1926- 27) of Rene Magritte, both influenced by popular detective films in the 1910s and 1920s, are metaphorically violent variations of the works dealing with a dog howling at the moon. Furthermore, the remaining comparisons this study offers show Hagiwara's and Magritte's ironical meditations of the barren existence of modern man. Here again the Japanese poet's "From Within the Shell of a Landscape "(1923) and "To Fire a Cannon", Published in (1923), preceeds Magritte's The Song of Love (1948) and The Old Gunner (1947).Hagiwara's remarks dating from his formative years , 1914-15, suggest that the role of the unconscious in the creative process is a common ground where Hagiwara and Surrealists meet, though he did not formulate it into a theory of Surrealism. Thus, the Surrealistic feature in Hagiwara can be regarded as an accidental product of both his diverse and keen interest in western cultures and of his passionate and deeply solitary search for a style expressing his jikkan (true feeling), but not of such well-defined systematic activities as in the Surrealist movement in which both Miro and Magritte took part.Despite these differences, the remarkable parallels presented here allow us to place Hagiwara in the international arena of avant-garde art and literature as a major poet of our times whose appeal goes beyond national boundaries.

著者

朴 賛基

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.14, pp.35-50, 1991-03-01

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Delegations of Korean envoys, who made as many as twelve trips to Japan, offer us information about the relationship between Japan and Korea and about various events that took place over the span of the delegations. One of these incidents, the stabbing death of Che Chun Cheung, a member of the eleventh group of envoys who came to Japan in 1764, was made into a play, and indeed spawned a whole series of works collectively known under the name,"The Murder of the Foreigner. "Since the incident itself was so shocking and such a grave matter, the Bakufu's approach toward handling it appears to have been severe. Dramatizations of the event, taking account of the rigorous of the Bakufu, consequently underwent a transformation. In the dramatic texts we can read the attitude of the Japanese side, as well as the stance of the playwright, who assimilated this attitude. In addition to the changes in the kabuki dramatizations ,"The Murder of the Foreigner,"we can cite the diversity of records held to be true accounts and the Chronicle of Korean Delegations to Japan (1811) as manifestations of the harsh response of the Bakufu toward this incident. This harsh response is evidenced by the change in the name of the senior envoy, which was different in the description in Meiwa gankokan shinnen raihei ("The Visit of the Koreans in the First Year of Meiwa") from what it was in the other records. The difference in the subtle awareness between Korea and Japan vis a vis this incident gives us much to think about when considering the history of exchange between the two countries.

著者

潟沼 誠二

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE

巻号頁・発行日

no.2, pp.72-88, 1979-02-01

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Takamura Kōtaro, one of the most distinguished poets in the modern literary history in Japan, has been discussed from many points of view. It is a common approach for exploring the reality of the poet who took the initiative in singing “Ego and Self in Modernity of peculiar atomosphere in peculiar country“ through his personal experiences abroad, especially his encounters in London and Paris.Though several fruitful contributions to an understanding of this great poet have appeared in the last two or three decades, it is often impossible to discover any commentaries on his life in the United States.The aim of this paper is twofold: to indicate how Takamura Kōtaro lived in New York and indicate a more comprehensive view for touching the heart of his poems. At the same time, I focus on the relationship between a Jap art student Kōtaro and an American sculptor Gutzon Borglum in this study and try to broaden the horizons of the disputes over this poet.

著者

Key Margaret

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:ISSN0387)

巻号頁・発行日

no.25, pp.39-48, 2002-03-01

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Critics have frequently noted Abe Kôbô's technique of building a story around a single concrete object, such as a mask or a map, used metaphorically. What is often overlooked, however, is that in many of Abe's novels the object functions not merely as a concrete representation of a certain theme within the novel, but also as a meta-fictional representation of the text itself, in particular, of the relationship between the reader and the text. The central object in Hako otoko is a cardboard box with a peephole, whose formal characteristics give rise to the novel's central thematic of seeing and being seen and of concealing and revealing. At the meta-fictional level, the box is manifested as a three-dimensional puzzle box, or "Chinese box," reflecting the complex narrative structure of multiple, overlapping plots. By focusing on the figure of the box as puzzle or mystery, this paper will consider Hako otoko as an anti-detective novel: a novel that frustrates the reader's desire to solve the mystery of the text. I will discuss the mysteries hidden within the box at the textual and meta-fictional levels and their ultimate indeterminability.In Hako otoko the reader's desire is directed at uncovering the identity of the box man who writes, “Inside my box, I am writing a record of a box man.” As the narrative progresses, however, the reader realizes not only that the box man is a murderer, but also that he is writing the text that the reader is reading in order to conceal evidence of the murder. Consequently, the mystery of the man inside the box becomes, at the meta-fictional level, the mystery of the man outside the box, that is, the author of the text. By examining Abe's use of elements of detective fiction, such as the search for the solution to a mystery and the revelation of hidden truths, both within the narrative and in the interaction between the reader and the text, this paper will bring attention to the meta-fictional nature of Abe's literary project.

著者

Schalow Paul

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.13, pp.13-24, 1990-03-01

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Scholars of Edo Period literature generally evaluate mid seventeenth- century kana-zôshi ("books written in kana") as representing a necessary developmental phase towards the more literarily sophisticated ukiyo-zôshi ("books of the floating world ") that appeared later in the century, but the exact nature of that developmental process has not yet been studied in much detail. This paper discusses several important kana-zôshi that treat the topic of nanshoku (male love) to show that they indeed established a way of describing male love that exerted a major influence on subsequent writings.Kana-zôshi writers gathered and incorporated a substantial amount of information about nanshoku into their history of male love, including references to Chinese emperors, to Buddhist legends, and to Japanese homoerotic literature. Two particularly influential components were the story of the Chinese poet Su Shih (Tong-p 'o), who woud and won a handsome boy at "wind and water cave," and the legend that attributed Kûkai with the introduction of male love to Japan from China in the ninth century. These stories and others were reported and embellished by kana-zôshi writers in their task of devising a history of male love.The literary process whereby kana-zôshi writers established a commonly accepted discourse for nanshoku represented a complex group effort, and the impact of that effort on ukiyo-zôshi is discussed with regard to two of Ihara Saikaku's works, Kôshokuichidai otoko and Nanshoku ôkagami. The paper concludes by suggesting that the importance of kana-zôshi's influence on ukiyozôshi and subsequent literature deserves greater recognition.

著者

Krzysztof Olszewski

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.26, pp.35-43, 2003-03-01

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In this paper I would like to explain―taking a history of the early Heian period as a background the process of creation of national (i.e. Japanese) culture by the aristocracy who―since the An Lu-Shan's Rebellion―could observe from the Japanese Archipelago the first symptoms of the decline of the Tang dynasty in China.The Japanese of the Heian period, who―from the Chinese perspective―“lived at the frontiers of culture” (see: Umehara Takeshi, 2001) while being almost perfectly bilingual, did not deny Chinese culture, but on the other hand, they adapted from it the best and the most suitable aspects for their artistic images. I would like to show that process of aesthetical adaptation on the basis of an analysis of the part of “The Tosa Diary”, which is called to be a representative literary work in the Japanese literature of the 10th century. At present, most scholars agree that Ki no Tsurayuki was conscious of being avant-garde in the creation of national culture since the very moment he wrote Kanajo (The Japanese preface for the Kokinshu anthology) and since he attended the first poetry contests. But there are still different opinions concerning the appreciation of “The Tosa Diary” and determining its literary genre. I think that the so often mentioned eclecticism of the work was not Ki no Tsurayuki's isamiashi, i.e. literary failure (see: Hagitani Boku, 2000). In this paper I would like to prove that “The Tosa Diary” is a completed and intentionally written literary work (with the most important goal to discuss with the Chinese culture of the Tang dynasty), and its eclecticism was rather a result of groping for new expressions and a new literary genre in the process of creation of national culture.A famous French philosopher, Michel Foucault, wrote that relics of an ancient culture never are a message for the posterity and they can be understood only within the frames of the culture which had created them. So I think that we should stop using literary terminology, based on the Aristotle's “Poetics”, but we should describe the Heian literature using unique signs and aesthetical categories of that culture. Therefore, choosing “the sense of evanescence of the world” (mujôkan) as the most specific idea for the early Heian art and literature, I would like to explain one more enigma of “The Tosa Diary” and propose a new interpretation of the text.

著者

キャンベル ロバート

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.18, pp.152-165, 1995-10-01

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Around noontime on the third day of the Eleventh Month, 1823, Kano Gunbei, a vassal to the lord of Aizu and student in residence at the Bakufu's Shôheizaka Academy in Edo, ascended alone to the second floor of his dormitory where he cut down in cold blood one fellow student and severely wounded two others before being overcome and then arrested by peers. His first victim, Nishimura Yūzō, was a young samurai from Isahaya, Hizen Province, and known in the Eastern Capital as a poet of some skill. At the time of his murder Nishimura was salaried as the literary tutor in the Academy's two dormitories for provincial students in Yushima. According to Bakufu records of the court trial held in the next year, Kano felt slighted by his colleagues, and blamed the salaried tutorial staff for not preventing his harassment: a loss of face had led him to the dreadful act. The man responsible for subduing Kano was one Kurotaki Tōta, a Tsugaru vassal, and in 1823 student chief of the dormitory itself. Kurotaki, along with two other students, knew in fact of Kano's frustrations before the crime, and for this reason all three were held partly responsible by magistrates at the court. Two others were punished; Kurotaki got off due to his bravery at the scene of the crime. Kano had died "of illness" shortly after being thrown into jail. One of Kurotaki's underclassman, a new face at the Academy just arrived from Saiki domain named Nakashima Masuta, was named literary tutor immediately after Nishimura's death. According to Nakashima's own writings and to letters from friends in Kyushu, his sudden promotion was due more to verve in helping to quell the murderer that fatal day than to any single literary merit.Nakashima Masuta was, however, perhaps the most talented poet and prose stylist of his class at the Academy. According to some, he held promise to surpass even Rai San'yo, the most highly regarded kanshi poet of the Bunsei age. Masuta, who wrote under the penname Shigyoku or Beika, left Shōheizaka Academy in 1825, to return to service in his native province. He died in Saiki in 1834, at the age of thirty-four. At his appointment to the prestigious literary tutorship in 1823 he was a mere twenty-three, and it was precisely from this point that he gained nationwide recognition for a lyric style often sensual, sometimes macabre in the style of Li-he.This paper outlines the events leading to Nakashima's promotion, and aims in a larger sense to delineate the literary milieu of the Bakufu's Academy in the 1820's.