著者

金 京欄

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.21, pp.21-36, 1998-10-01

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The traditional tale "Sayohime" is well known throughout Japan, in two differing versions. One includes the legend in which Sayohime climbs a mountain and waves a cloth, which is also found in the works: "Hizen-no- Kuni Fudoki", "Kokon Chomonju", and "Jukkinsho", which post-date "Manyoshu". The other, relating to a ritual sacrifice, can be found in books of fairy-tales (otogizoshi) and in sekkyo joruri such as "Matsura Choja".In the "Manyoshu" poems, Sayohime is described as a woman who sets out after her husband Sadehiko, who has departed for the war, and waves to him from the top of a mountain. However, in "Kokon Chomonju" and "Jukkinsho", Sayohime is the God of the Matsura Shrine. Moreover, in "Nihon Meijo Monogatari" and the main text of "Soga Monogatari" she appears as a bofuseki. A bofuseki is a woman who, after parting from her husband, pines for him so desperately that she is transformed into a statue.There is a Korean tale which describes a phenomenon very similar to bofuseki. This is the tale of "Jesang" included in "Samkuk-Sagi" (1145) and "Samkuk-Yusa". The wife of Jesang, who was crossed the sea to Japan, climbs a mountain and weeps so intensely that she is turned to stone.Korean historical records show that Jesang sailed to Japan during the reign of King Nulji, the 19th ruler of the province of Shinra, to rescue the King's younger brother who had been taken hostage by the Japanese. A corresponding account can be found in "Nihonshoki."The version of "Jesang" in "Samkuk-Sagi" is historically credible, but in the "Samkuk-Yusa" version, the colorful description of Jesang's wife has been added. In "Samkuk-Yusa", the woman climbs the mountain and looks toward Wanokuni (Japan). As she cries loudly, she dies, and is transformed into a Mother God. References to this tale also appear in "Dongkuk-Munhon-Bigo" and "Dongkuk-Yeoji-Sungram".Rather than merely sharing similar motifs, it would seem that the traditional tales of Korea and Japan are more directly connected.

著者

Tan Daniela

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.32, pp.119-131, 2009-03-31

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Previously, Ōba Minako has not generally been considered a writer of the "introverted generation" (naikō no sedai). Nevertheless, in some more recent publications her work is being re-read in this context, due to the dynamic flow of thoughts linking the inner and the outer world, which enables also a way to express memories. Furuya Kenzō compares the sceneries in her texts to the inner landscapes "every person keeps somewhere in a deeply hidden place of one's mind".At a first glance, the expression of the self in Ōba's works seems to be very exposing. But how does the reader get involved with the inner world of the narrator? What writing strategies does Ōba Minako employ to cross the borderline between the inner and the outer world, and thus, to engender the dream-like atmosphere of her works?The analysis of her writing technique has found three main strategies: (1) the direct transition from the observation of the narrator's environment to the inner flow of thoughts ("stream of consciousness"); (2) the permanent blurring of past and present; (3) the interweaving representation of dream and reality.The reading of Ōba Minako's work, as proposed in the present paper focuses on the second strategy, the blurring of past and present. It argues that her way of narrating the past perfectly corresponds to the nrrrator's inner perspective. Ōba was born in 1930, and therefore belongs to the generation that experienced World War II in their youth. After her rather late debut, in 1968, the trauma that had been buried for a long time broke its way through narration.Applying narratological methods, this paper analyzes the narratives of past and present in Ōba Minako's literature.

著者

Baykara Oğuz

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.27, pp.185-207, 2004-03-01

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When Satô Haruo pointed the similarity between Shunkinshô (1933) and Thomas Hardy’s Barbara of the House of Greve, Tanizaki Junichiro had no objections to it and he rationalized the situation in his own way. Looking at it now from our contemporary perspective, it would surely be considered imitation, however to appreciate the originality of a certain work of art we have to consider the conditions that gave birth to it.Tanizaki has read tremendously the fin de siecle psychologists like Krafft-Ebing and the literary works of Poe, Baudlaire, Stringberg or Gorky in an atmosphere when modernism or cosmopolitanism was at its climax.How shall we judge his work? Was it a mere imitation? Or is it an original work of art? The fact is that Tanizaki has produced his work after having read and digested the western civilization thoroughly.The artistic production is only the tip of an iceberg of the author's creative genious. Though the critics or the authors sometimes try to explain the literary works, they often neglect the subconscious which is constitutes the larger part of the iceberg.Investigating the subconscious, will enable us to grasp the multilayeredness of a work of art. We then, will be able to recognize its originality through a series of analytic interpretations, which, even the author himself might be unaware of.I examined Tanizaki’s Shônen (The Children, 1911) critically and tried to analyze the symbolism in it with a fresh insight. Tanizaki, since the early stages of his career has always been at the mercy of the censorship authorities and often resorted to symbolism in his works; but it has reached to its peak in Shônen. In this work he did not imitate the west, but he took it as a model to compare it with his own. He laid down the tools and values in two sets like “Japan” and “The West” and knitted a highly structured symbolism around four children in Shônen. It was also his earliest declaration of his aesthetic programme" and it guided him through the literary path during the whole course of his 60 years’ authorship.

著者

楊 琇媚

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.28, pp.139-160, 2005-03-01

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Ootsuyama Kunio pointed out that "From Taisho 3, the internal ethical center of Mushanokouji shifted greatly from that of a "naturalist" who prided himself on strength and freedom, to a "humanist" who sought to align himself with love. One external cause for this was no doubt the occurrence of World War One" (Mushanokouji Saneatsu Ron, June Showa 49). In addition, he writes that Mushanokouji's anti-war position is eloquently stated in seven works beginning with Kare ga Juusan no Toki (Taisho 3), and if on top of these his various opinions were included, he could be said to be the writer most deeply involved with World War One.Clearly, in a time where people were drunk on the new wealth brought into their daily lives due to the economic prosperity from WWI, and when Mushanokouji also entered into the high point of his life, his focused anti-war stance deserves attention. However, the creation of the "new village" with no-war and peace as its foundation and his move away from it, along with his trip to Europe and the United States, that is, following the larger chapters in experience in Mushanokoji's life, he stepped away from the fiercely anti-war attitude held during WWI, and had become a war sympathizer with the self-published work Daitoua Sennsou Shikan and the play Sanshou.This collapse in Mushanokouji's position regarding war has been looked at by critics such as Ootsuyama Kunio and Honda Shuugo.However, the problem this presentation seeks to bring up is that, although Mushanokouji is displaying a break with his position on war, has in fact his conception of war changed all that much?This presentation will therefore look at two works, the play Aru Shounen no Yume, thought to be the most representative work from his anti-war pieces, and Daitoua Sennsou Shikan, seen as being his most sympathetic to war, in order to examine the essence of his thinking on war. Based on this, the presenter will attempt to make clear the reason for Mushanokouji's shift in his attitude towards war.

著者

Clements Rebekah

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.34, pp.79-87, 2011-03-31

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Recent years have seen an increase in studies of the way classical Japanese texts were received during the pre-and-early modern periods. However, research of this nature often concentrates on scholarly commentary at the expense of other types of reception materials. In this paper I will consider the significance of vernacular translation of the classics during the Edo period, focusing on translations of Genji monogatari. There were at least twelve such translations of Genji from Edo through into Meiji, not to mention translations of Ise monogatari and Kokinwakashū. The three earliest vernacular Genji’s are: Fūryū Genji monogatari, 1703, by Miyako no Nishiki (1675-?); the translation published as a series by Baiō (dates unknown) between 1707-1710; and Shibun amano saezuri (Murasaki’s Writings in the Gibberish of Fisherfolk, 1723) by Taga Hanshichi (dates unknown). I will consider who the intended readers of these translations might have been, and discuss the terminology used by each translator to describe their work.

著者

王 成

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.19, pp.77-86, 1996-10-01

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Autumn Sorrow (aki no nageki) is a short story by Fukunaga Takehiko, first published in the literary magazine "Meiso" in November, 1954.One of many experimental works by Fukunaga, who is regarded primarily as an avant-garde writer, this story is highly complex in both language and design. The reader is drawn into the solitary world of the heroine Sanae, whose brother died by his own hand one autumn night ten years earlier. In his depiction of her lonely existence, Fukunaga resolutely confronts "time"― here portrayed as a phenomenon of evil -and analyses in detail the interaction between time and fiction. In this paper I would like to consider the relation in the story between the structure of time and the development of the narrative. In Autumn Sorrow, the author consciously denies the continuity of time by overlapping and intertwining past and present within the story, thus advocating to the reader a restructuring of time guided by the creation and judgement of reader and author. Fukunaga constantly shifts time from the present to the past in successive sentences, or even within a single sentence. I would like to examine the ways in which Fukunaga deals with these timeshifts.Autumn Sorrow develops the theme of combining the chronological time of the story itself with the psychological time of the heroine, Sanae. I would like to examine the function of time and memory within the structure of the story.Fukunaga sees creative co-operation between reader and author as the ideal component for construction of a story. To draw the reader completely into the world of the story, he has created not just an artificial time structure, but a story in which he measures the distance between the author, the characters, and the reader. In Autumn Sorrow, direct and indirect narratives are skillfully mixed, with dialogue expressed on the same level as the prose, removing the borders between the real world and the inner world of the characters, aiming at a single level for reader, characters, and author.The principal motifs of the story are war, and the heredity of madness. The construction of the story, involving as it does the setting and solving of various puzzles, leaves the story open to numerous, many-sided interpretations.

著者

水野 達朗

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.30, pp.193-206, 2007-03-30

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Kunikida Doppo, embedded during the Japanese-Sino war, wrote in Aitei Tsuusin about the "Chosen" he saw while aboard a warship sailing north, saying "But my brothers, the view of the Daidou inlet, the situation of the thatched houses of Chosen, my feelings now. I have no time to write in detail of them now." He goes so far as to express that he will "not write" of anything that he has seen of "Chosen", which is in contrast to others, such as Matsubara Iwagorou, also dispatched from Minyuusha, and in writing for Seijin Yoroku shows his intention to make clear the "situation inside Korea", writing "in detail" of the "reality of the Chosen thatched houses", in passages like "They pile rocks to build an enclosure, bind grass and make it a roof, build something of a wall with earth, and with logs" Doppo's hesitance to write is also revealed in passages like "So, it seems there is not a lack of things to experience. However, this is only a fleeting sense of novelty". Although it is possible to follow his writing towards a "view of Chosen" or "representation of Chosen", the meaning of his hesitancy to write in itself as it appears in this scene requires an internal examination of the relationship between expression of "Chosen" by Doppo and other embedded journalists and the problem of "expression" in Japanese literature at the time. In this example, it is clear that depicting visual scenes creates deep frustration for Doppo. Looking at his feelings as only lasting for a "fleeting" moment indicated that Doppo drew serious questions on himself as to what was worth writing about. At the time , when the boarders of "literature" were being redefined in Japan, there was an orientation towards depicting things as they are "realistically", while the "meaning" of expressions guaranteed through traditional representations were losing their stability. In this presentation, we will examine the mechanisms that surface when "Chosen" becomes the object of realism and the frustrations of writers in "expressing" Chosen, then look at what possibilities and problems were involved in developing "modern" literary expression inside the cultural environment of East Asia.

著者

王 勇

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.24, pp.1-15, 2001-03-01

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The very interesting point is how Japanese were described in Chinese material and drawn in pictorial material. Waren (Japanese) in Zhigong Tu is said to be the oldest portrait of Japanese, but I would like to observe both literal and pictorial material focusing on the figure of members of kentôshi.It is well known in Japan that they had to be intellectual and handsome in order to become members of kentôshi. What kind of impression did they give to Chinese?First I would like to examine the member's image that Chinese had referring to description written in material about Awata no Mahito as handsome with dignity, Abe no Nakamaro as breathtaking handsome and Sakaibe no Okita as tall without much of hair. The meaning of "shintokukan (jindeguan)" that Awata no Mahito wore, the origin of the phrase of "breathtaking handsome" and the background of the phrase of "tall without much of hair" are especially considered.Secondary, I would like to take a look at Liben-tu in the tomb of Zhanghuai-Taizi, The Portrait of Jishi Zhangdan in Tokyo National Museum, Minghuang Huiqi-tu and the like. There are two theories; one is that the member on a mission drawn in Liben-tu is a man of Gaojuli. The other one is that he is a Japanese. I will guess which one referring to the literal material and presume the Japanese in The Portrait of Kishi-no Nagani drawn by Tang royal painters. A monk playing a game of go with Emperor Xuanzong in Minghuang Huiqi-tu should be examined with a Japanese monk, Benshô.Based on the literal and pictorial material listed above, I would like to consider the diplomatic significance that the figure of members to Tang gave in the ancient eastern Asia and emphasize the historical facts of the pictorial material.

著者

狩野 啓子

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.9, pp.58-69, 1986-03-01

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Ishikawa Jun made his debut as a novelist in 1935 with "The Beauty", having already forged his own literary methods from the works of such writers as Valéry, Alain and Gide. Ever since, he has been known for his acute explorations at the frontiers of modern literature. An outline of Ishikawa's literary views and methodologies can be found in his 1942 Notes on Literature. In 1941 he published the study Mori Ogai, another representative work of the prewar years. In fiction, his "Fugen" of 1937 won the fourth Akutagawa Prize, establishing his fame as a novelist.It was around this time that Ishikawa developed a strong interest in Ota Nampo, and devised his own original interpretation to the "Temmei (1781-1789) kyōka Movement."Nampo's name comes up first in "The Song of Mars"of 1938. In this short story, famous for having been banned on account of its warweary tone, Ishikawa has the "I" narrator relate his intense feelings of envy for Neboke Sensei (Nampo), who was able to cloak his public capacities while engaging in elegant pursuits. In his 1943 essay "Styles of Thought of the Edoite," Ishikawa places the Temmei Kyōka Movement in the context of so-called "haikai-ization," to him the most significant literary process of the entire Edo period. He interprets kyōka ("mad waka"), the most typical example of this process, as a "haikai-ization"of the Kokin Wakashū. And on the other hand, if kyōka represents a "haikai-ized" Kokinshū, he writes, kyōshi ("mad" Chinese verse) makes up a "haikai-ized, T'ang Shih-hsuan. In both cases he claims Ota Nampo to be at the center of the "movement."Excellent studies by Noguchi Takehiko, Yoshida Seiichi and others have appeared on the connection between Temmei kyōka and Ishikawa Jun around the time of "The Song of Mars". Here I would suggest that external circumstances alone did not bring Ishikawa to Nampo, but that he possessed within him from the start, as a firm cultural grounding, the literatus (bunjin) consciousness of "madness" (kyō).We can find manifestations of this spirit of "madness" already in his statements from the late Taishō period. In the context of the transition from early-modern to modern literature, Ishikawa's sense of "madness" beCáme melted with the imported movements of Anarchism and Dadaism.How might we consider his strong interest in Temmei kyōka through the second decade of Shōwa ? One finds repeated in the early works, from Fugen, efforts to maintain a lofty perspective from within one's position in the vulgar world, rather acrobatic attempts of the spirit to fly at low levels just above the ground. These experiments in exploration set out to perform the heavenly progress of Fugen, moving freely between the vulgar world and the sublime one, in words. I have suggested elsewhere that Ishikawa aimed at an unemotive, anti-lyrical prose style, erasing the "I" ness within him. I would point out here, however, that the problem of the elimination of "I"-ness is related to his appreciation of the posed anonymity of the Temmei kyōka movement. Beyond this, Ishikawa may have been drawn to Nampo as the creator of a fictional topos joining the lofty and the popular; Ishikawa stood firmly on a tradition of literatus spirit supported by "kyō. " As the writing of gesaku passed from the hands of bushi authors down to townsmen, the "popular" gradually shaded into the vulgar. Temmei kyōka established a fictional world, located in a separate dimension from real life, just one step before this "vulgarness". Certainly it is no surprise that Ishikawa should have befriended Ota Nampo.The most pressing problem for Ishikawa Jun at the end of Taishō, when he had revealed his penchant for absolute freedom, was the "movement of the spirit". Hence he declined to consider Nampo, or specific works of Temmei kyōka, individually, proposing rather a "movement" in toto. Nampo, close in cultural grounding to Ishikawa, was to be discoverd as part of the active process of "realising a yearning for the past." "Kyo",which worked as an opportunity to fix the direction of the self in the late Taishō years, came to surface dynamically in this period, as a movement or literary function.

著者

鈴木 淳

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.24, pp.85-103, 2001-03-01

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Takao-dayû, the original work of ukiyo-e in Freer Gallery of Art, is a picture of Takao-dayû drawn by Okumura Masanobu with a comment written by Hanaogi, the famous yûjo of Ôgiya in Yoshiwara imitating the Sawada Tôkô-style calligraphy. The content of the comments is a love letter including a hokku "Kimi ha ima komagata atari hototogisu" that is said Manji Takao, or Takao-dayû the Second of Miuraya sent to Date Tsunamune of the Sendai Clan. This letter was probably made up based on the legend of the love affair between them described in the documentary-like novel Sendai Hagi. Whether the story is true or not, the romantic atmosphere of Yoshiwara is promoted by the comments reminding readers Takao and Hanaôgi, and behind the comment of Hanaôgi, you can sense the attempt by Ôgiya Uemon or Bokuga, who was the employer of Hanôgi, to make her more famous together with Takigawa, who was also a famous yûjo, in the Tenmei period.

著者

項 青

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.17, pp.9-23, 1994-10-01

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It is said that the question as to whether The Tale of Urashima is Chinese or Japanese arose from its similarity to the Tale of Yamasachi-Umisachi found in The Kojiki. Indeed they share a great many elements. However, the greatest basic difference between them is found in the theme of a time-slip in another world. Since no gap between the passage of time in the other world and the world of humans is visible in the Tale of Yamasachi-Umisachi found in The Kojiki we can perhaps conclude that this element is Chinese.By comparing The Tale Of Urashima with the Tang dynasty romance, Liu-yi-chuan, which it most closely resembles, I have pointed out all of the elements which they have in common in literary expression and god-like recluse Daoist thought and have also taken a look at all of the differences between the two. The Liu-yi-chuan, which was completed in China during the mid-Tang, is both a story of an extended stay in an enchanted garden and a tale of a water-god's home. However, The Tale of Urashima, while having the two above elements, is very different from the mid-Tang Liu-yi-chuan in that it also has a drifting-ashore motif like that of The Tale of Yamasachi-Umisachi in The Kojiki with the driftingashore motif. In addition, in the Liu-yi-chuan expressions concerning the recluse's elixir and immortality are very prominent while in contrast The Tale of Urashima has little to say about the recluse's elixir and brings up only the god-like recluse idea of immortality. I believe that this indicates that there is something of a difference between the understanding and reception of god-liki recluse Daoism in the two countries.Also, the Chinese conception of time often seen in a story of an extended stay in an enchanted garden as in the expression ,"A day in Heaven is like unto a year on earth,"is found in The Tale of Urashima as "three years is like unto three hundred years," or in expressions like "seventh-generation grandchildren," while in Liu-yi- chuan on the contrary such a view of time is not much touched upon. I have investigated the disparity in the use of such expressions.My conclusion is that ancient Japanese adapted the culture which they imported to their concerns, gradually absorbed it by means of their own peculiar method of digestion, and without being conscious of doing so transformed it into a literature written in classical Chinese peculiar to Japan, so that it went through a process of changing into culture or thought which has a thoroughly Japanese flavor.

著者

松尾 剛次

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.24, pp.55-67, 2001-03-01

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It is well known that sekkyô-bushi is related to kanjin. Kanjin originally meant they promoted people to join Buddhism and do the good. It is also known that it changed to promote people to donate rice or money to build or restore temples, shrines and statues of Buddha around the end of Heian period.If so, there is a possibility that sekkyô-bushi Oguri Hangan was created relating to some temple's rebuilding. The temple should be Tôtakuzan shôjôkôji, which is given an important role in the story of Oguri Hangan.The story must have changed in many ways before it was printed as the authorized text in the Edo era, with the sekkyô-bushi one of spoken arts and literature performed by the troubadours who drifted through the nation. Therefore the point of this report is to reveal the mystery when and how the original story of Oguri Hangan was created by whom focusing the relationship between Shôjôkôji and kanjin. I refer to the picture scroll Yugyô-engi, Yugyô-keizu and the like as archives which have been hardly used before. The picture scroll Yugyô-engi is an ekotoba-den (picturized biography) created by Yugyôshônin, Sommyô the 13th, Taikû the 14th and Son'e the 15th in the early Muromachi era.In conclusion I think the original story of Oguri Hangan was created relating to a mass kanjin of reconstruction done by the Yugyôshônin, Taikû the 14th after the big fire in Ôei 33 (1426). Sekkyô-bushi were called oral literature and thought to be made by unknown singing poets so far. However, given the relationship between sekkyô-bushi and kanjin of temples, I think most sekkyô-bushi were created when occurred was kanjin of specific temple's reconstruction in terms of the original ones.

著者

Marginean Ruxandra

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.22, pp.33-52, 1999-10-01

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It is usual practice in no studies to analyse no scripts as texts, from a literary point of view. In this paper I shall take Izutsu as an example and analyze its interpretations from the point of view of what is usually considered the social background to literature.To put it differently, I intend to reconsider the way interpretation is usually thought to reveal the "universal" meaning of a text―a meaning that would go beyond the interpreters' differences of gender, class and living epoch.First, I would like to have a look at interpretations of Izutsu in contemporary society. As opinion polls show, when Izutsu is performed at Nogakudo, the audience evaluates the leading character's attitude in various ways. This is related, I think, with the diversification of opinion towards the marriage system in nowadays Japan.I would like then to question the existence of multiple interpretations of Izutsu in medieval society. The story of Izutsu is based on Kamakura period commentaries on Ise Monogatari (as the well-known article "Yokyoku to Ise Monogatari no Hiden" by Ito Masayoshi has shown). Researchers do not agree whether the 24th dan of Ise Monogatari and its medieval commentaries are inserted or not in the text of Izutsu. If one takes into account medieval poetry treatises (such as Seiasho) about honkadori, one can say, I think, that the 24th dan of Ise Monogatari is not alluded to in Izutsu.I would like to consider the interpretation of the 24th dan of Ise Monogatari as seen in medieval commentaries, as well as its not being included in Izutsu from the point of view of the medieval marriage system. According to Tabata Yasuko, aristocrats (kuge) and warriors (buke) had rather different marriage systems. Would not this fact have had an influence on the way Izutsu was interpreted in the middle ages?The above analysis touches on the larger problem of the power-relationships that exist behind what is usually considered to be a unique "correct" interpretation of a text/play.

著者

加藤 周一 Keene Donald 小西 甚一 芳賀 徹

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.10, pp.165-216, 1987-03-01

著者

松平 進

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.19, pp.171-182, 1996-10-01

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Kamigata actor print seem to have been produced with a strong connection to hiiki-theatre supporters or fans. Three cities (Osaka, Kyoto and Edo) had many fans and fan clubs, but especially Osaka fans were very active. Among them, Teuchi renchū (clapping clubs) were top groups. Every winter, in kaomise performance (face showing performance), these clubs performed a ceremony of clapping to introduce actors to the public.One can see hiiki together with actor in Osaka theatre prints. For example, Seki Sanjūrō II came to Osaka, Kado theatre in 1826 from Edo. The artist Ashiyuki produced Sanjūrō's greeting from stage surrounded by many Sakura-ren hiiki in Sakura-ren uniforms. The space of the print is dominated not by Sanjūrō but by hiiki. I wonder if this kind of print could sell well as an actor print ?Not only ō-shibai but also chū-shibai had the custom of teuchi. There is a print in the same style of Ichikawa Morinosuke surrounded many hiiki in uniform. From the crest of hiiki-ren one cannot tell the name of the ren. In the print, there are two hiiki facing us. The faces are clearly drawn as portraits, but are not actors. I guess hiiki put their portrait in the actor print. There is a hiiki Rojū's print in the uniform of Sasase-ren. He was well known as the Sasase-ren's best clapper. Rojū must have subsidized this publication. Seeing this print helps us better understand the previous example.Let's examine the san(讃)-kyōka or kyōku (comic poems) found in actor prints. The composers of san can be divided into four types. (1) Actor himself composed the san. This is the most common case. (2) Hiiki composed the poem. Sometimes they are annonymous. but we can see the names such as Akatsuki Kanenari, Harunoya, Baikō, Toran, Shiinomoto-an and famous hiiki. (3) Artist composed the poem. Mainly the artist who drew the actor portrait composed the poem as well. But sometimes another artist offered the poem. (4) Publisher composed the poem. Naturally publisher can be a supporter of theatres or actors. Tenmaya Kihei and Tokuraya Shinbei often composed poems for prints. Let's examine carefully the artist Yoshikuni and his group. Members are mainly Yoshikuni's pupils. The names of them have -kuni at the end such as Kishikuni, Hashikuni. Chikakuni etc. Or Yoshi- at the top such as Yoshiyuki, Yoshinao. Most of members were not productive. Though I have seen about 200 prints by Yoshikuni. I only have seen less than 10 prints each of 16 out of 19 members of this group. This group produced many chū-shibai actor prints, so they must have been supporters of chūshibai. There are three materials published in 1815 other than actor prints concerning hiiki and artists. The single sheet "HIIKI" compares the list of Arashi Kichisaburō hiiki and Nakamura Utaemon hiiki. At the bottom of the sheet you can find name list of 44 Naniwa Nigao Eshi (Osaka actor portrait artists)."Hiiki no Hanamichi" is a hyōbanki (critique) of Utaemon's supporters. Among hiiki you find three artists Ashikuni. Shunkō and Shunyō. According to the critique, none of them were professional actor print artists. I guess they were rich merchants and dilettante theatre goers and amateur artist."Shikan Setsuyō Hyakke Tsū" is a kind of introductory encyclopedia of Utaemon's fan club. There is name list of hiiki in which you can find Shunyō, Shunkō and Utakuni. They were hiiki as well as artists.Kamigata actor prints were produced through a strong connection with hiiki. Publisher and artist were often hiiki. Before Hasegawa Sadanobu and Ryūsai Shigeharu, there were no professional artists. But it does not mean artistic inferiority. Many kamigata prints of this period are excecllent.

著者

今関 敏子

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.26, pp.17-34, 2003-03-01

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I would like to discuss how travel was viewed and discussed in the Heian and Kamakura periods through examining the themes of the culture and literature of travel.Travel has been a reoccurring theme in literature throughout history and throughout the world. By travel one can mean that for business or errands, enjoyment or sightseeing: all indicating very different purposes. In any event, for us in the modem world, travel means getting away from our daily existence and, for a period of time, entering an environment different from our normal one. For us, travel sets our heart alight with anticipation, and offers an opportunity to renew ourselves.However, how travel is viewed differs greatly from culture to culture and era to era. For example, in Japan's classical and medieval period, travel was seen basically as leaving one's home, and traveler's rest (tabine) could be had staying the night even at a location relatively near to home. Also, a journey to a far off location was not necessarily a cause for joy.It goes without saying that how travel is viewed is reflected in how it is illustrated in words. In the Kamakura period, traffic and trade between the capitol and the East grow beyond what they were previously. In what ways does the depiction of travel change? Most of the authors of travel literature of this period are men. Women left memoirs detailing not individual journeys, but rather a broader scale of their lives including their travels. Women in Japan have from times of old traveled a great deal indeed, but what brought about this difference in expression?Also, H. E. Plutschow wrote “Tabi suru Nihonjin” (1983, Musashino Shoin), while discussing how different Japanese and Western travel logs are, that in Japan, even if one does not leave on an actual journey, if he makes his way down a series of Utamakura, he may write a travel diary from within his own home. I would also like to look at the unique culture of travel within Japan as seen through the use of typified expression.

著者

Bjoerk Tove

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.34, pp.181-194, 2011-03-31

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The artistic expression of the formalized kata-acting in Kabuki is a medium transmitting Japanese cultural history to the present day. As any artistic media involuntarily or voluntarily does, it distorts and confiures a past reality. Therefore, we need to understand how and when kata-acting was created in order to understand what it really shows us.In this presentation, I will focus on the diary (destroyed in fire ca 1810, copies exist) of Ichikawa Danjûrô II (1688-1757), a central figure of the Edo Kabuki world and known as the creator of many of the katas still enacted today. From this diary we know that Danjûrô II was - not, in his opinion, at all contradictory to his health and diet interests - a passionate tobacco smoker, and I will show how this habit influenced his acting and how it came to be medialized into kata by looking especially at the displays of tobacco and smoking in the Sukeroku drama.After a brief introduction on the parallel development of a socially accepted smoking culture and acting using pipes as props and smoking as artistic expression, I will analyze Danjûrô II’s diary entries on smoking and compare them to records on his acting. As few written plays remain today, the Actors Reviews (Yakusha hyôban ki) and Ukiyo-es are our prime source for understanding the process of acting and directing of the mid-18th century.By focusing on Sukeroku, probably the most famous smoking character developed by Danjûrô II, it is possible to follow up how the usage of tobacco utensils and the smoking habits of the different characters in the act developed over time and came to be standardized into the format that we know today. From this perspective, I will lastly consider the manyfold reasons for this process and the potential meanings of institutionalizing a substance such as tobacco into a cultural medium.

著者

中村 綾

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.30, pp.7-28, 2007-03-30

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Tsuuzoku Chuugi Suikoden (hereafter Tsuuzoku), a widely circulated pre-modern translation/interpretation of Suikoden, still holds many problems with relation to the translator, the original text it is based on, etc.. As for the translator, the possibility of Okajima Kanzan has been raised by the presenter from the use of colloquial vocabulary, but I would like to reexamine these problems from other angles, focusing mainly on the Shuui section.The shuui in Tsuuzoku were added to an expanded edition. Originally, the first run was planned for 100 issues, but only 95 were run. In a latter 120 issue printing, the additional translations were added as shuui. The attributed translator in the book for the main body is Kanzan, but for the shuui is listed as Toutou Doujin. Traditionally, from the introduction to Chuugi Suikoden Kai written by Suyama Nantou, Kanzan was believed to be the one to affix Japanese readings to the Japanese reprint (wakokubon) of Suikooden, and that therefore the translator of Tsuuzoku was not Kanzan. However, when this reference is reexamined, doubts arise regarding Nantou's introduction, requiring a reevaluation of whether Kanzan did affix Japanese readings to the Japanese reprint.This problem will be addressed at another time, but for this presentation, the translator of the shuui will be shown to be different from that of the main work for the following reasons. 1. Poetic language used for depicting emotions in the original Chinese version of Suikoden, a colloquial novel, is dealt with differently in the translations found in the main work and the shuui. 2. The translations in some of the main section just prior to and following the shuui overlap but feature a different translation than the main section. 3. The Kinseitanbon was used in the shuui, but was not used in the main section. 4. The original text used for the main section and the shuui is thought to be different. For these and other reasons, the main section is thought to have been done by Kanzan due to similarities seen in other works by him, but the shuui are believed to have been translated by someone else.

著者

崔 惠秀

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.39, pp.102\n(27)-85\n(44), 2016-03-17

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It is widely known that Daibosatsu-toge, which is considered as an origin of popular modern Japanese literature, was written in a familiar ‘desu, masu’ style. However, descriptive texts were written not only in distal style but also in direct style, and both of past and present tense were mixed in this work. In addition, a style ending sentences with a noun (or noun phrase) was used as well. This presentation aims to analyze a formation process and features of various sentence styles in Daibosatsu-toge. Also, I would like to discuss its meaning by comparing style in this novel with a modern novel’s narrative strategy, which is said to have completed its style by using ‘da, de aru’ in the end of the sentences.First of all, this presentation will focus on drastic changes from first publishing of Daibosatsu-toge in Miyako-Shinbun to rewritten version which had been published as a form of book since February 1918, and analyze patterns of changes in descriptive texts until its style was stabilized (manuscripts appeared serially by 1921.10.17, which are correspond to by vol.21 ‘Umonsankyu-no-maki’ in a book form), in other words, until Kaizan didn’t make a revision on the end of sentences.Sentences in the first period(Sep 1913~Jul 1915)that did not have periods (。) in the end had been put in order by using periods when they were rewritten. And in this process, many sentences have been corrected into the form ending with a noun or noun phrase. Also, it must be noted that there are a lot of delicate corrections in the end of sentences concerning the past/present tenses and distal/direct style all over the texts that originally appeared in Miyako-Shinbun, even though there was no change in the meaning of the contents.Through analyzing what meaning and effect this changes in the form of the sentences have, this presentation is going to clarify that Kaizan was well aware of ‘modern novel’ and remeasured the distance between a narrator and characters as well as between a narrator and readers when making revisions on manuscripts, which I assume is connected to the effort trying to maintain dialogicality and polyphony in his style.

著者

朱 衛紅

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.27, pp.169-184, 2004-03-01

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Sato Haruo’s “Shumpûbatei Zufu” (“Zufu”) is the script of an adaptation of the Edo period poet Yosa Buson’s “Shumpûbatei Kyoku” (“Kyoku”) for silent film.Although there is nothing unusual about writers in and before Satô Haruo’s adapting Edo period works into novels, the transformation into a script was unusual. Therefore, this presentation aims at a comparative analysis of Satô Haruo’s “Zufu” and Buson’s “Kyoku” and scrutinize at, first, how Satô Haruo understood and interpreted Buson’s poetry and, second, why did the adaptation take the form of a script rather than a novel. Through this I would like to consider the problems that can be noticed in Satô Haruo’s imitation and originality.“Kyoku” combines Haiku, Waka, and Chinese five-syllable poetry into a mixed-style work, which seems only to follow a chain of images, but is in fact scenery reflected in the eyes of a girl returning home on a holiday. The chain of images clearly produces a picturesque effect, but what is important is that the images are moving rather than still, which in turn produces a cinematographic effect.Satô Haruo most likely have realized this visual, cinematographic aspect and created “Zufu”. I would start with an analysis of this point. And move onto take a closer look at how the scene in the girl’s view was transformed into the scene of the film. “Zufu” would focus not only on the girl, but also on the aged Haiku poet. Third, I would look at the problems presented by various things including poems by Buson that were not present in “Kyoku”. Upon close look at it becomes clear that the poems filled with illusory and southern Chinese painting imagery. In addition, the focus is placed on the monkey performance, which is not observed in either in “Kyoku” or in Buson’s poetry. Through this I would like to look at Satõ Haruo’s originality as it transforms beyond the confines of Buson’s poetic world.