著者

荻野 喜弘

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.1, pp.59-61, 1990-10-20 (Released:2017-12-30)

著者

浅田 喬二

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.2, pp.1-20, 1967-01-20 (Released:2017-09-30)

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It has been said that the landownership in Japan (Jinushi-sei) began to decline from the middle of Taisho era. Certainly, the bigger landowners began to invest to the enterprise outside the agriculture and the smaller landowners began to cultivate themselves from that time. It must be said, however, that those declining tendencies of the landownership appeared mainly in Honshu, Shikoku and Kyushu. In Hokkaido and old colonies we can observe the different tendencies. In the agricultural history of Japan, we should not forget the facts that the capitalist-landownership appeared typically in Hokkaido and that the Jinushi-landownership in the mother country transmitted itself into the colonies. The capitalist-landowners mean the capitalists who became the landowners in order to strengthen their enterprise in the economic competition. In this capitalist-landowners, the capital and the landownership are united functionally as well as personally. The capitalist-landowners developed as the capitalists at the same time of their growth as the landowners. The landownership of these capitalist-landowners was the variant or the partial transformation of the semi-feudal landownership. The development of the capitalist-landownership did not mean the change of semi-feudal landownership into the modern type. As to the transmittance of the Jinushi-landownership from the mother country into the colonies, we have the following conclusions. From the middle of Taisho era, the Japanese landowners began to emigrate into the colonies at the face of the crisis of Jinushi-landownership in the mother country. Those emigrating landowners tried to rebuild and enforce the Jinushi-landownership there. At the same time, those who had obtained the land in the colonies before the beginning of the crisis began to settle their main basis in the colonies after the middle of Taisho era, in order to restore their economic losses in the mother country. Both of those emigrating Japanese landowners continued to sustain or enlarge their landownership till the 10th of Showa. If you try to analyse the Japanese Jinushi-landownership be for the second World War, you must study not only the landownership of the mother country but also those of Hokkaido and of old colonies. Certainly, the semi-feudal landownership, which was one of the basis of Tenno-sei, began to decline. However, we can firmly conclude that it continued to sustain itself till the Land Reform.

著者

池田 憲隆

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.2, pp.32-45, 1987-01-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

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The Russo-Japanese War had a great effect on the armament industry in Japan. Some works referred to this point before. The common view was that the system of armament production changed rapidly after Russo-Japanese War. The content of this change was combination of state arsenals and private heavy industries. But such an alteration applies to the case of the naval armament production. There was not a near connection between the military arsenals and the private heavy industries at the time. What was the cause of it ? First, the army did not need a great number of arms in time of peace. Accordingly, the military arsenals met the requirements of the army. Secondly, the army had not reach a consensus on the mobilization policy of military industries yet. However, the military armament production did not change nothing. The army substituted new arms for old ones after Russo-Japanese War. Though the army tried to procure materials of the arms at home, it was not going smoothly. Consequently, the production and deployment of the new arms was delayed. Further to that, there was a difficult problem for the military armament production. It was how to keep the management of the military arsenal expanded during the war. So the army adopted the policy to extend arms sale to the foreign countries for the purpose raising the rate of operation in the arsenal. The army had attached importance to arms sale to the foreign countries as a means to increase one's own influence in the first place. In addition, arms sale had the attention of the army as a means to keep the management of the military arsenal after Russo-Japanese War. On the other hand, it was a few monopolistic commercial capitals that carried on practical business affairs of the arms sale. They had a vital interest in the Chinese market. They also attached importance to this trade in order to increase their own advantage. Thus the army and military arsenals were hardly connected with the private heavy industries, but brought about closer relations with the monopolistic commercial capitals after Russo-Japanese War.

著者

山崎 澄江

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.3, pp.17-32, 1999-04-20 (Released:2017-12-30)

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As the days of high economic growth started, the locations of heavy and chemical industries concentrated on developed industrial zones in coastal areas which had been equipped with industrial infrastructures. As a result, serious problems were caused. One is the regional disparity like income gap, over-urbanization, depopulation of rural areas, and so forth. Other is the shortage of industrial site, water, labor in developed industrial areas. To solve these problems, the government introduced "New Industrialize Area Project" as the first regional development policy based on the synthetic national land planning in Japan. New Industrialize Area Project, to narrow the regional disparity, aimed to invite the growing industries to "Industrialize Area" strategically, through providing large-scale infrastructures as inexpensive as possible. The Project was realized in the context of various interests among the central government, the local governments, the enterprises. This paper discusses how the parties concerned -paying special attention to the local governments-adjust their interests, and what position they took in the process of the Project. Since the regional disparity had been very serious problem, most of the local governments especially in backward regions would take part in New Industrialize Area Project actively. Though the local government's plan was restricted by the national land planning and the private investment plan, the local governments negotiated with the central government about increase of the Industrialize Areas, the subsidies, the strategic industries, and they tried to get the most advantages they could. Their positive attitude led to keen competition for designation as the Industrialize Areas, invitation of the heavy and chemical industries, and it was just the power to push forward with the Project. The petroleum-based industries and the steel industry which most of the areas had desired to invite, located in only a few favorable areas, but, the other areas also succeeded in attracting various industries which was the labor-intensive industries like the machine industry, the light industries, and the regional disparity was getting narrow gradually. Thus, the regional development policy which have provided large-scale and inexpensive infrastructure making use of the regional gap, was appropriate policy in the middle of the high economic growth.

著者

橡川 一朗

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.4, pp.56-62, 1959

著者

沢井 実

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.1, pp.32-50, 1982-10-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

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The purpose of this paper is to make clear the development of the Japanese machine tool industry from 1930 to 1937. The previous studies have pointed out the dependence on war production and the vulnerability of the machine tool industry as its characteristics. They have not done studies that analysed the market structure and the vulnerable production structure in connection with the increase of heavy industries. The rapid expansion of the market and the production of various types of machine tool capitals in response to it are, therefore, to be examined. In spite of the fact that the start of the expansion of the market in the 1930s was based on the increase of munitions industries, two demand groups sustained the expansion ever afterwards. Army and naval munitions works, automobiles, aircrafts, and big enterprises in the electrical equipment industry constituted one group which needed the diversification of high-grade machine tools. Another was industries relating to the export such as textile machinery, bicycles and the machine tool industry itself. Large, medium-scale builders and some local ones had mainly the former markets and they had developed in size by 1937 showing a technical progress. Growth of some local builders into the medium-scale ones made clear the stratification among the local capitals. Large-scale builders chose small equipment investment in comparison with the tempo of the increase of demand. Economic lessons from the long depression in the 1920s caused the negative investment. By means of the development of subcontracting and mass employment of low-wage workers, the large-scale builders tried to respond the market expansion. The increase of technical level in the large, medium-scale builders was gradual because of their supplementary relationships to imported machines; the core of plants occupied by the imported machines, the fringe by the domestic. The domestic machines, consequently, could not satisfy the demand in both quantity and quality, resulting in the rapid increase of the import. This was accelerated by the sale competition among the European and American builders, exporters who suffered from the depression in the world market. There were great many small-scale builders whose products remained to be very cheap, while the vulnerability of large, medium-scale builders and some local ones were newly actualized in the course of the development of heavy industries. Users for cheap machines were small and petty factories, not having had to be aware of low ability of using machines, that made machinery, instruments and its parts. The weight of small-scale builders in the total production value of machine tools was diminishing, although they were followed by the new entry.

著者

守屋 典郎

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, no.1, pp.75-77, 1972-10-20 (Released:2017-10-30)

著者

山之内 靖

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.4, pp.62-66, 1985-07-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

湯浅 赳男

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, no.3, pp.1-16, 1966

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In the middle of the eighteenth century, France was defeated in the commercial war in world market by England because of the overwhelming inferiority of hers national productivity. This fact gave an severe impact to the ruling class in France and forced it to try a reform of the socio-economic system of the Kingdom in order to elevate industrial potentiality. For example, Bertin, minister of Louis XV, endeavoured to realise a modernisation of feudal agrarian system, namely, division of commons, abolition of open field system, free trade of corn etc.. The establishment of the Creusot, a big modern iron foundry, in Middle France was an important part of this ambitious policy, too. At that time, the iron industry in this country was technically so traditional that it had no capacity to adapt itself to the immense demand of the new policy. For it depended exclusively upon charcoal and waterpower yet. Therefore, De Wendel, a famous noble manufacturer, planned to construct a factory of new model whose technology was imported from England, where coaks and steam-engine were made use of. Of course, this enterprise needed big money ; then several financiers were syndicated. Nevertheless, it necessitated too enormous a capital for them to provide all. Accordingly they demanded the aid of the King. But Wendel's and his collaborators's efforts were rendered very difficult with the grave financial crisis in the pre-revolutionary period. At last they was obliged to establish this enterprise as a joint-stock company that was novel in this field. As it was explaned above, the Creusot was built in accordance with a modern model in technological and financial forms. But when we analyse it radically from the point of view of comparative economic history, it is clear that the social meaning of this establishment is found in the self-reform of the absolute monarchy and the feudal ruling class in order to maintain their domination. Hence, it was overdowned in the highest stage of the revolutionary process.

著者

禹 宗杬

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.1, pp.18-33, 1998-10-20 (Released:2017-12-30)

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The purpose of this paper is to investigate the process of the introduction and transformation of wages based on position classification in Japan National Railways paying special attention to the interrelation of status/position/ability. From the point of view of the labor behavior, the main points described are as follows: Labor of JNR tried to introduce wages based on position classification to liberate themselves from the old status-based system. Under democratization, a new consciousness of the importance of ability and changes in the labor market facilitated this new approach. Labor was able to accomplish the abolition of the status-based system considerably through the introduction of job evaluation and job classification. In addition labor succeeded in lowering the upper limit of job promotion, which was influenced by their strong interests in acquiring direction responsibilities. However the wages based on position classification brought about limitations on seniority-based wages. In the face of this reverse effect, labor changed its wage position. In fact labor abandoned the wages attached to a job structure and reverted back to the wages attached to a man structure again. To justify the wages attached to a man structure which in the past had been connected with status, nevertheless, it was indispensable to re-interpret the meaning of experience/seniority in a new way. Labor solved this problem by changing the interpretation of experience/seniority into one of ability.

著者

伴野 泰弘

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.1, pp.54-56, 1998-10-20 (Released:2017-12-30)

著者

高嶋 雅明

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, no.4, pp.35-50, 1972

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It is one of the important subjects of research to see how the emigration of the Japanese people and the advance of our Government, Armed Forces and Monopolists into foreign territories were interrelated to make up the whole body of the Japanese imperialistic, invasion in the early decades of this century. I tried in the following study to approach this problem by making clear the relation・・・・・・mainly in trade・・・・・・between Japan and the Vladivostok districts which had a great deal to do with the so-called "Manchuria, Mongol and the Russian Far East." By examining the nature of the trade and by analyzing the business management of the representative Japanese financial agencies in the Vladivostok districts, I tried to elucidate the historical fact that these agencies were founded one after another just in accordance with the various stages of the development of trade between Japan and Vladivostok. Some of the conclusions reached are as follows : (1) The Japan-Vladivostok trade before the Russo-Japanese War was limited mainly to the supply of materials needed for the maintenace of the functions of Vladivostok Harbor and to the small transactions with the Japanese emigrant workers ; consequently the financial business was carried out only by the small branches of private firms, for example, Vladivostok Sugiura Bank. (2) In time, however, the trade came to be centered upon Manchurian beans, and the increase of exchange transactions with various parts of the world made it imperative for modern financial establishments to found their branches in Vladivostok. Vladivostok Matsuda Bank ・・・ an overseas branch of Juhachi Bank, a provincial bank with its main office in Nagasaki ・・・ put its small capital and the deposits of the Chinese and Korean merchants into the selling and buying of foreign bills addressed to London, Yokohama and Osaka in connection with Vladivostok trade. (3) Finally big businesses began to take into their hands the trade of Manchurian beans and they came to take notice of the political and economic significance of "Manchuria, Mongol and the Russian Far East", and thus Vladivostok Harbor was regarded as an important outpost for their purpose; hence the advance of Yokohama Specie Bank and Korean Bank into these districts. And these special banks made the way clear for a financial rule over Manchuria by the Japanese imperialists.

著者

山之内 靖

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.1, pp.57-70, 1968

著者

杉山 清

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.2, pp.73-76, 1994-01-20 (Released:2017-12-30)

著者

加用 信文

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.4, pp.1-14, 1979-07-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

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In the beginning of the nineteenth century, Robert Owen marked an outstanding success as a cotton spinner while at the same time he gained fame as a humane factory reformer and a pioneer of educator. With the termination of the Napoleonic War in 1815, enormous industrial productivity that was achieved by the British Industrial Revolution immediately created over-production and excessive, unemployment. The working class was, thus, reduced to poverty and the relief of the manufacturing poor surfaced as a critical social problem. It was at this juncture that Owen arrived at the socialistic ideology of the "village of co-operation". Owen considered that the flooding unemployment due to over-production and the poverty of the working class were produced by the enormous industrial productivity which was left to work under the principle of gain that is inherent in capitalism per se. This thinking leads him to consider the total abolishment of capitalism by the establishment of and the gradual development of the so-called "village of co-operation", which has controlled production and expenditure, in order to harness the enormous industrial productivity to meet social demand. The "village of co-operation" is a self-sufficient community based on agriculture and supported by manufacture where members work together and share the expenditure. According to his plan the community is formed of a unit of 1,200 persons. At the centre of the lot there are public buildings which are divided into parallelograms, facilities and gardens that are necessary for enjoying pleasant community life. Beyond these there are mechanical factories and corn-mills and around these there are 1,200 acres of arable land. Men would cultivate land and between farming activities they would engage in manufacturing and other required tasks. Here, the cultivated land is mainly used for production of staple crops, but spade cultivation instead of cultivation by the plough is advocated. In Europe, spade had been used as a tool for cultivating hoed-crops such as garden vegetables, vis-a-vis plough for cultivating corn on arable land. The secret of Owen's "village of co-operation" may be found in the use of this tool to raise corn on arable land so to absorb maximum labour on the existing arable land and consequently look for a harmonious balance in population, food and employment.

著者

大塚 久雄

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.4, pp.56-67, 1967-07-20 (Released:2017-09-30)

著者

浜林 正夫

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.3, pp.67-68, 1998

著者

白木沢 旭児

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1, pp.18-32, 1993-10-20 (Released:2017-12-30)

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The purpose of this paper is the examination of export control and import control, which intend to keep the balance of trade by means of increase of the trade. I attempt to research into Japanese wool industry for the purpose of making clear why this control of export and import failed. The wool spinning industry and the woolen textile industry succeeded in import substitution in the latter 1920's. The part of the woolen textile was exported in 1930's. But the profits of wool industry companies were subject to wide fluctuations. Because these companies desperately competed and they depended on Australian wool greatly. The cartel, Japanese Wool Industry Association reduced operation frequently. But the opposition between companies specializing in woolen yarn and companies pursuing woolen textile was hard, so that Japanese Wool Industry Association could not control the prices of wool yarn. The consul residing in South Africa Federation sujested to buy South African wool in order to keep the balance of trade between Japan and South Africa Federation. The purchase of South African wool coincided with the request of Japanese export industries. They compensated comparatively high-priced wool of South Africa. They commended the purchase of South African wool as the regulation of imbalance of trade. But wool industry took part in the purchase charged little margin. When the dispute between Australia and Japan was occured in 1936, wool industry controled import of wool and stopped dependence on Australian wool. On the other hand, they intended to keep the share of each company. The operation of the Commerce Protection Act had no effect. When the dispute between Australia and Japan was over, the excess of imports became clear in Japan. It is impossible to keep the balance of trade by means of increase of the import from other countries. The trade control for the purpose of magnification and balance of trade came to the end, the raw materials policy turned from diversification of suppliers into self-sufficiency.

著者

山田 盛太郎

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.1, pp.1-2, 1958

著者

原 朗

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.3, pp.1-28, 1976

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本稿は1974年度本学会秋季学術大会共通論題「1930年代における日本帝国主義の植民地問題」の報告原稿である.統計資料の一部を削除し注を付したほか論旨内容には変更を加えていない.なお,本共通論題は本号所掲の小林報告・高橋報告との三報告で編成された.その際,本稿は総括的に「大東亜共栄圏」全域の経済構造につきさしあたり流通過程の側から概観する役割を与えられており,小林報告は「大東亜共栄圏」の中核をなす「日満華北経済ブロック」に限定して生産過程に立入った分析を行なうものとされた.主として日本帝国主義の側から問題点を検討する本稿と,植民地・占領他の側により重点をおいた小林報告との両者をあわせて問題の全体像への接近が試みられる.両報告で十分に取上げえなかった農業・土地問題については,さらに対象地域を限定して日本農業と植民地「満州」との相互関連につき農業移民問題を通じて追求した高橋報告により論点の所在を解明する.本共通論題の構成にあたって留意された点はほぼ以上の如きものであった.三報告の作成にあたっては,満州史研究会・満州移民史研究会の会員諸兄から数多くのご教示をえた.報告者三名を代表し深く感謝の意を表したい.