著者

金 洛年

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.3, pp.48-67, 1992

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This paper elucidates one of the characteristic features of Japanese colonial rule over Korea, focusing on capital flows between the two economies. First, an attempt is made to estimate how much and in what sector capital investments were made from Japan to Korea in each phase of the colonial period. Based on these estimates significant findings include the followings: 1) In the early phase of colonial rule the Government-General took the lead in capital investments from Japan in areas such as railroad construction and the implementation of plans for increasing rice production. However, private direct investments increased rapidly beginning in the 1930s mainly in manufacturing and electric power industry. This process speeded up the transformation of the Koran economy into an integral part of the Japanese one. 2) During the Pacific War the financial institutions of Korea rapidly increased their purchases of securities, most of which were issued by Japanese government. This suggests that the role of financial institutions as principal agents of capital import was now reversed. 3) The increase of both capital inflows and outflows during the war indicates merely the transfer of purchasing power, which was not allowed to be realized by compulsory deposit and investment regulation policies. The result was a reallocation of resouces in Korea for war-related purposes. An attempt is also made to show how Japan could accelerate capital export to her colony. This paper emphasizes the role played by 1) the Korean monetary system, in which her currency was pegged to the Japanese one at an equal rate of exchange and in which the issue of the former is allowed on the basis of the latter, and by 2) the almost total dependence of Korea's trade structure on Japan. These two factors enabled Japan to accelerate capital export to Korea in spite of the shortage of foreign exchange reserves, particularly under the managed currency system. This resulted in expanded equilibrium within the Japanese colonial empire, as long as Japan's productive capacity was expanding. However, when it reached its upper limits during the war, Japan's capital exports under the trade control led to inflation in Korea.

著者

大塚 久雄

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.1, pp.20-27, 1981

著者

牧野 裕

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.2, pp.38-57, 1983-01-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

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In this essay, We analyse legislative process from the Full Employment Bill of 1945 to the Employment Act of 1946 in the U.S. Congress. After examining this process, we have some conclusions. First, the struggle reflecting socio-political conflicts about reconvertion policy was adjusted by the CED's initiative. The CED represented the interests of the largest business and financial institutions, and recognaized the necessity to accept rhetorically the liberal-socio-economic program being advocated by the New Deal - Liberal = Lib-Labs in confronting with the reconvertion crisis. the CED in this way integrated the Lib-Labs to their "Free Enterprise System, Second, the Employment Act of 1946 have rejected "Investment-Expenditure", "National Production-Employment Budget" of the Full Employment Bill of 1945, which are directly reflected the fused "Government Spending Theory" of American stagnationists and "Keynesian Theory". Third, The CED's economic thought and policy which have just reconcilated the legislative conflict is that it criticized "Full Employment" and rejected it, but on the other hand recognized the government responsibility to maintain "High level of employment and production". So the CED proposed the alternative policy -1) renounciating traditional annually balanced budget policy, 2) and advocating "the Stabilizing Budget Policy". The reconcilated social conflict by the CED is at the same time fusing and integrating process of "Keynesian Theory" and "Neoclassical Theory". This made a beginning for the formation of "Commercial Keynesianism" or "Bastard Keynesians" in the U.S.

著者

山崎 志郎

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, no.4, pp.18-36, 1986-07-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

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The purpose of this paper is to make clear the change of wartime finance policy in the end of the war against China and analyze its backgrownd of money market. The characteristic of monetary policy during the war against China was nationwide mobilization of funds for the public loan and strategic industries. This mobilization made the financial structure unstable and lead it to reorganization. In deposit market concentration trend turned. Some provincial banks, especially influential ones grew big rapidly partly owing to the amalgamation movement. The cheep money policy in local money market and the funds control policy made provincial banks change their banking operation, rush in the urban money market. The advance competition became intense. That was a result of the control policy. But large equipment funds controled by financial adjustment law was supplied by a few financial organs oligopolistically. They had organized joint financing groups excluding other banks. Influential provincial banks increased advance as rapidly as big banks, but they supplied funds for newly rising or subcontract enterprises with some risk. After the outbreak of WWII, risky advance competition was going to result in credit crisis. Ministry of finance and Bank of Japan requested financial circles to organize a council of financial association aiming at stabilization of money market. Local Banker's Association joined it positively aiming at extending finance of the strategic industries through co-operation with monetary policy, so did big banks aiming at maintaining oligopoly. Thus the organization of financial constitutions was promoted with conflict objects.

著者

金 洛年

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.2, pp.1-16, 1995-01-20 (Released:2017-12-30)

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The purpose of this paper is to show how industrialization of Korea in the 1930s was influenced by the preceding agricultural development plans for increasing rice production (1920-34). Until now the rapid industrialization has been explained mainly by Japan's armaments-expanding policy in the 1930s. However this paper emphasizes internal factors created in the process of agricultural transformation in the 1920s. On the one hand, increase in rice production and its export to Japan at relatively high price produced an enormous surplus in the agricultural sector. This, in turn, enabled Korea to increase imports of manufatured goods. Through the agricultural development and trade with Japan, Korean economy could rapidly expand markets for manufactured goods beyond her production capacity. Later this expansion stimulated new rise and growth of many small-scale factories owned by Koreans or Japanese residents in Korea. Also it induced private direct investments from Japan to the manufaturing industry in Korea. This process promoted import substitution for manufactured goods. On the other hand, most of agricultural surplus fell into the pockets of large landlords and merchants who took the lead in rice production and export under landlord-tenant system. In order to examine whether agricultural surplus remained within the agricultural sector or was transferred to other sectors, we made access to the available lists of large landlords and stockholders, and examined the relationship between them. The results of this examination revealed that a lot of landlords not only took actively part in stock investment, but also established their own companies in non-agricultural sectors. In case of the companies owned by Koreans, it is estimated that more than one third of their capital was invested by landlords and one forth of their owners were also landlords. In short, agricultural development in the 1920s provided favorable conditions for the industrialization in Korea in the next decade in terms of domestic market expansion and capital formation.

著者

姜 克實

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.3, pp.38-47, 2001-04-20 (Released:2017-12-30)

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Tanzan Ishibashi insisted on "the Principle of Little Japan", advocating the abandonment of colonies, and criticized imperialism from the Taisho era. This has some researchers to insist that "the Principle of Little Japan" on which Ishibashi insisted is a theory of diplomacy. In contrast, this paper agues that "the Principle of Little Japan" was a theory covering not only diplomacy but also economics. How would a "little Japan" live on after abandoning colonies? Ishibashi angned that Japan should "depend on human wisdom and labor", and not on territory and resources. This was an essential and original aspect of Ishibashi thinking. Ishibashi basic approach includes the "philosophy of controlling personal desires" that he leaded from his teacher Odo Tanaka, and the principle of pragmatism, which puts much value on the function of social life. Ishibashi added the Neo-liberalism of L.T. Hobhouse to this basic thinking and came to propose ideas of fair distribution and of social policy and welfare, aiming at the conquest of laissez-faire, from about 1915. In his early economic thought, Ishibashi gave particular stress to capitalism fair distribution, but after the post-World Warpanic and the Kanto Earthquake in 1923, he shifted his emphasis to the development of productivity. The aim of reforming capitalism was not changed, but, facing crises in the structure of capitalism, he put much more stress on productivity than on fair distribution of relief measures. Ishibashi came close to a Keynsian theory of national intervention and currency management from the latter half of the 1920's, and advocated positive financing by depending mainly on the issuance of deficit covering bonds in order to increase employment in the early 1930s. On the other hand he also divides of public debts into the public debt to productive (civilian demand) and unproductive (military demand), his argument in this respect differed from those of J.M. Keynes' and Korekiyo Takahashi, Japan's Minister of Finance at the fine. Keynes and Takahashi saw a role for military spending while Ishibashi clearly aimed at peace. In wartime, Ishibashi objected to the theory of Block Economy and resisted the theory of was as an aid to the militaristic economy, insisting rather on the reed to firmly maintain the world economy and free trade system. We should not forget that "the Principle of Little Japan" advocated by Ishibashi offered a basic for the revival of the Japan economy after World War. His is a realist approach, not affected by any theories. It was characteristic of Ishibashi that he selected a policy on the underlying principle of streng theiring the stability of social life.

著者

高村 直助

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.3, pp.1-19, 1965-04-20 (Released:2017-09-30)

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The subject of this paper is to clarify the condition and the change of the relationship between the spinning companies and the cotton brokers, the cotton-yarn dealers in the Japanese spinning industry which was making its form in the Meiji & Taisho Era. We particulary consider the conditions of the settlement of bills, the mode of transactions, and the sphere of influence among spinning companies and merchants: the cotton brokers, the cotton-yarn dealers. We also consider the conditions of the process of circulation on the stage of the following three periods. 1. 1886〜1890 (the growth of the spinning capital) 2. 1897〜1901 (the establishment of the spinning capital) 3. 1912〜1915 (the growth of the monopoly in the spinning industry). The first period: The process of circulation did not yet perfectly work. The spinning companies were placed in a disadvantageous position concerning the condition of settlement of bills and the mode of transactions. The second period: The process of circulation worked perfectly. The cotton was payed by bills, and the cotton-yarn by cash. These conditions of payment were advantageous to the spinning companies. On the other side, the mode of transactions was disadvantageous to them because of disunion between the cotton brokers and the cotton-yarn dealers. They dealt in futures of cotton, and sold spots of cotton-yarn. The spinning companies were below the brokers and the dealers. The period between the second and the first: Spinning companies occupied the advantageous position in selling of cotton-yarn by shortening of production. Some of the companies combined exclusively with the trading companies by means of buying raw cotton and selling cotton cloth to export. They began to gain monopol-profit. The third period: Spinning companies got more advantageous position on the settlement of bills. They dealt in futures of cotton-yarn. So cotton brokers and cotton-yarn dealers combined together in the course of transactions. The spinning companies got position equal to the cotton brokers and the cotton-yarn dealers. After crisis of 1920, the spinning companies began to controll process of circulation, and some of them got monopol-profit withdrawn from cotton manufacturers.

著者

ヴォヴェル ミシェル 遅塚 忠躬

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.58-68, 1987

著者

源川 真希

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.4, pp.59-72, 1989-07-20 (Released:2017-12-30)

著者

内海 庫一郎

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, no.3, pp.60-62, 1978-04-20 (Released:2017-10-30)

著者

小林 純

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.3, pp.66-68, 1999-04-20

著者

村上 勝彦

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.1, pp.43-56, 1973-10-20 (Released:2017-10-30)

著者

今井 良一

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.1, pp.1-16, 2001-10-20 (Released:2017-12-30)

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The purpose of this article is to clarify the logic governing the behavior of farming emigrants by analyzing the realities of their village management and living arrangements. In those days, the political purpose in dispatching the first group of emigrant peasants, called the pilot group of emigrants, was to maintain public security, in order to control Manchuria. In order to achieve this goal, it was essential to make these emigrants settle in villages without employing Chinese labor and thus avoid conflict between them and the local Chinese. The first emigrant group of peasants established cooperative management and communal living (the village being divided into ten communities based on member's prefecture of origin) within three years after their settlement in Manchuria (from 1933 to 1935), shifting to unit-based cooperative management and joint living in 1936 (each unit consisted of four farmers). Soon afterwards, in 1937 they changed to individualized farm management and living. In particular, the unit-based joint management did not rely on employing local labor but used draft animals to supplement family labor.This was considered the most rational management style and the most promising agricultural policy. Contrary to this initial policy, however, local labor was employed in the subsequent year of 1937. This facilitated more extensive agriculture, following an increase in the cultivation area for wheat and other grains for animal consumption. Since there was an abundance of forest resources in the first district settled, the migrants decided to branch out into the forestry industry, which would produce greater revenues with the utilization of draft animals. Because of this, migrant farmers easily mastered individualized management. However, none of the massive revenues obtained through forestry operations were ever used for the improvement of agricultural management. In addition,the emigrant farmers cut down trees so recklessly as to drive forest resources to the verge of exhaustion. It is, therefore, concluded that such operations did not reflect the farmer's interest in the permanence of resources ; rather, it resulted from blatantly plunder-oriented colonialism.

著者

城戸 毅

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, no.2, pp.57-68, 1963-01-30 (Released:2017-09-30)

著者

原 輝史

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.4, pp.1-24, 1976

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It is often said that the French capitalism has neglected its colonial empire before 1914. According to Jean Bouvier, the French colonies before the first world war stayed at the stage of trade economy (economic de traite), that is, the most elemental and the cheapest way of exploitation. Therefore, the investments in infrastructure were limited in those colonies. But was it true in the case of Algeria? From 1860's, the French capitalist government started to build railways in Algeria. After the failure of tentative of English capital introduction at the beginning of 1860s, it was the French P. L. M. company that began to costruct railways. The other four companies such as, Franco-Algerienne, Bone-Guelma, Est-Algerien, Ouest-Algerien joined only after 1874. The interest of the companies' capitals was garanteed by the French government. Between 1874 and 1892, the principal networks were constructed, and after 1893 the railway investment suddenly declined. It was partly the direct consequence of the brake given by the French government appalled by the augmentation of government-garanteed interests. After 1907, the railway investment became more active again because Algerian railways were nationalized one after another and they were controled by the Algerian local government under the supervision of metropolitan government. The French business circles who were interested in Algerian railway construction are relatively easy to define. The railway contractors, the Company of Franco-Algerienne and the Company of Batignolles, wanted to find their works in Algeria after having finished their works in France. Also were there the Bank of Paris et des Pays-Bas, the Credit Algerien and other finance companies who exploited the system of government-garanteed railway securities. After all, the railway construction in Algeria gave not negligible support to French capitalism when it had suffered the great depression from 1870's to 1890's.

著者

能地 清

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.4, pp.19-40, 1981

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The purpose of this paper is to elucidate how the Overseas Government Funds was shaped and what function it did in the period from 1896 to 1913. As is well known, the national finance in Japan changed to the imperialistic public finance by the dependence on the foreign capital in this period. At the same time, however, it brought forth the Overseas Government Funds. As far as this point was concerned the former studies have neglected it and as the result, they have naturally neglected the close relation between the foreign public finance and the foreign finance and also the important part of the Overseas Government Funds in the foreign payments. Therefore this paper is to make clear above-mentioned points. The characters and functions thd Overseas Government Funds had were as follows. (1) It had singularly shaped the international payment organization in Japanese capitalism in this period. The latter vertically consisted of 'the Overseas Government Fund Accounts', the Bank of Japan and the Yokohama Specie Bank (foreign exchange bank). (2) 'The Overseas Government Fund Accounts' payed the outside expenditures of government. Next it provided the Yokohama Specie Bank in the period from 1896 to 1903 and the Bank of Japan in the period from 1904 to 1913 with the payments of passive balance. The difference between the two periods was based on 'Foreign Specie System' started in 1904. (3) 'The Overseas Government Fund Accounts' was functionally singular in comparision with those of foreign countries. It resulted from the continually passive balance. (4) The international payment organization in Japan functionally regulated the two adjustmental mechanism of Gold Standard concerning the international disequilibrium and the domestic currency supply. However gold standard in Japan was supported by that. Then the international payment organization was depending on the foreign capital in this period as above. Therefore if it gets into trouble to import the foreign capital for Japan, it should bear not only the crisis of the international payment organization, especially of 'the Overseas Government Fund Accounts', but also that of international payments position. It really came about since the second Morocco incident. The international capital movement was face to face with troubles by the portent of World War. I. In face of difficulty to import the foreign capital, the international payment organization in Japan was being reformed by the Finance Ministry and the Bank of Japan but not. That was caused by the favorable balance of trade followed on the occurrance of World War I.

著者

広田 四哉

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.1, pp.14-32, 1992-10-20 (Released:2017-12-30)

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Capital Levy, or the property tax, which was levied as a temporary tax for just one time on individuals for the purpose of securing the state income and of redistributing the wealth among national strata, was started in February 1947. The purpose of this paper is first, to clarify the actual conditions of the taxation of Capital Levy on parasitic landlords. Second, to describe the role of Capital Levy in the process of the dissolution of landlordism or in the extinction of landlord class, in connection with land reform. And, third, to pinpoint the peculiar significance of the state or the public finance in the conversion of class composition from prewar to postwar period. The paper will give concrete instances to bolster the findings of this research. The analysis here is focused on three big landlords; the Ichijima family, a thousand cho landlord in Niigata prefecture, whose management was overwhelmingly based on the vast lands in its possession. The Nezu family, the second biggest landlord in Yamanashi prefecture, which shifted to possession of securities rather than relying on its possession of the lands and stuck fast to the profits in the capital market, while gradually reducing the scale of its lands. And the Shirose family, a thousand cho landlord in Niigata prefecture, which had both the two managerial characteristics mentioned above and, therefore, it can be said that it had a middle character between the former two families. My conclusion is therefore that, all of these families did not succeed in lightening the burden of Capital Levy by means of taking advantage of the rising inflation, and thus could not help falling from their status as men of property. It means that they lost their status as the class of investers or the men living on the interest of their securities because of the Capital Levy. All this occurred while they were losing their status as landowners because of the progress of land reform. The taxation of Capital Levy after the war was therefore instrumental in the dissolution of the mechanism of "the conversion of the rent into the capital". The dissolution of the mechanism as mentioned above together with land reform thus contributed to the destruction of the semifeudalistic landlordism, the structural link which had been indispensable to Japanese Capitalism.

著者

南 克巳

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, no.4, pp.53-69, 1973

著者

ブートリッシュ ロベール 赤羽 裕

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.4, pp.68-76, 1967

著者

小峰 和夫

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.3, pp.46-57, 1975-04-20 (Released:2017-10-30)