著者

名武 なつ紀

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.3, pp.33-48, 1999-04-20 (Released:2017-12-30)

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This article clarifies the changing structure of landownership in the central district of prewar Osaka. It has been argued that landownership is an important issue in the study of Japanese economic history. In this field, existing studies mainly focus on prewar rural landownership or postwar urban landownership. Thus, there are few studies on urban landownership of prewar Japan to date. The article takes a different point of view for three reasons. First, urban landownership follows sequential process from the Meiji period to the present due to the lack of an urban land reform during the Occupation. Second, many urban land laws are derived from prewar ones. Finally, for the study of Japanese urban economic history, it is important to consider various aspects related to the establishment of capitalism in Japan. The new findings presented here have been derived from a complete survey of the land registry of the central district of Osaka. The survey deals with all the landowners of this area from the records for 1911 and 1940, and shows that several types of landowners had different roles in the structure change of landownership. At the beginning of Meiji, most of the landowners in this area were of the merchant class of the Edo period. With the development of capitalism, large firms gradually dominated the landownership. It is also demonstrated that a particular city planning had a strong influence on this process.

著者

渡辺 新

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.3, pp.1-17, 1985

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In this paper, I attempt to examine the feature of Japanese Fascism Movement in the 1930's through the analysis of the rightist peasant movement at Sanbu District in Chiba Prefecture. At that time, the rightist peasants tied up with the fascism political party, advocating "Anti-Capitalism" and "Anti-Marxism." This movement, which is denned here as "Reformative Japanism Movement," opposed the left wing powers and led to the strong distrust towards the existing political system. Furthermore, in this movement, "National Reorganization Plan" was shown with two assertions contrary in essence-one was protection for laborers and peasants, and the other, negation of democratic systems such as election and the Diet-which came to much loyalty to the Emperor. Practically, "Reformative Japanism Movement" succeeded in organizing peasants by establishing agricultural co-operatives and emphasizing their economic effect. Japanese Fascism was realized by means of including mass movement such as "Reformative Japanism Movement," and in that process, To jo Cabinet took the place of Konoe Cabinet.

著者

高田 和夫

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.2, pp.53-72, 1977-01-20

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Russian capitalism reached the stage of industrial capitalism in the middle of 1880's, despite the fact that it was still dominated by the agricultural sector. It was during this period that a large labour dispute in January of 1885 arose at Nikol'skaya Manufacture owned by Morozov who was one of the largest Russian cotton industrialists in the Vladimir Province. The purpose of this paper is to look at this dispute as a resistant movement by the mass against the structural change of Russian capitalism. The majority of labourers of the cotton industry came from the agrarian districts, principally because they had to supplement the family income,--the land units being too small to be viable. Without the factory labourer, the agricultural family would naturally suffer from the income crisis, and so the cotton industry labourers supported both the agricultural family's economic system (otrabotka) and the system of factory labour. The factory labourers at that time had a "primitive" labour relationship in Russia which had a dual structure. This structure was supported by the community,--though it could be said that they were being exploited not only by the employer who controlled the right to employ the labourers, but also by the community representatives (i. e. the dual structure). In spite of the organization and agitation of a few skilled workmen who had experienced the modern labour movement in St. Petersburg in 1870's, this labour dispute had a different movement form, a form similar to agrarian terror. The details and character of this dispute were different from those of the dawn movements in St. Petersburg in 1870's. First of all, the core of this movement were ordinary non-skilled workmen who were closely linked with the agrarian districts and so it isn't correct to say that the efforts of a few skilled workmen to instill the knowledge and experience of the movement in St. Petersburg into them were successful. The aims of non-skilled workmen which were formed in consequence of the permeation of capitalism into the agrarian districts were decisively different from the aims of skilled workmen. Therefore, in general, the experiences in St. Petersburg in 1870's were not followed and used in this Central Industrial Zone. The regulative powers of the agrarian community which affected the emergence of wage-labours formed here a quite different type of resistance to capitalism. As a result of this dispute, a new stage of labour movement began in European Russia. Taking this opportunity, the Tsarist government legistlated the new labour relations adjustment law in 1886.

著者

金澤 史男

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.3, pp.48-57, 2001-04-20

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The purpose of this paper is to investigate how Neo liberalism has developed in Japan since the latter half of the 1970 s and to clarify its distinctive features from a critical viewpoint. I examine the notion of "Neo-liberalism", the development of economic policies based upon Neo-liberalism, their economic background and two particular policies as a case study (the resort development policy and the nursing care insurance system). These studies indicate that Neo-liberalism in the 1990s was quite different from that in the 1980s. The 1980s version called for "rethinking the public and private sector", but had still remained immature. By contrast, the 1990s version has developed on a full scale during the 1990s, prompted by the multinationalization of leading Japanese enterprises after the Plaza accord. In conclusion, (1) recent Neo liberalism is not founded on the notion of "socio-liberalism", which requires complete freedom of thought, but on that of "economic liberalism", which attaches great importance to a public order based upon "efficiency" ; (2) it is a naive "market fundamentalism" or "libertarianism" which will not take into account the work of J. Rawls, R. Nozick, A. Sen and other liberalists ; (3) in the field of regional development policy Neo-liberalism has induced "rent seeking" and has increased expenditures on public works, but has also had a tendency to release the public sector from its responsibilities for welfare services.

著者

三宅 明正

出版者

政治経済学・経済史学会

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.3, pp.p35-42, 1991-04

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The purpose of this paper is to analyze the industrial relations in Japan under the occupation. It is characterized by the state of trade-unions. In the early stage of the occupation Japanese unions were organized by both blue collars and white collars. They were called Juugyooin-Kumiai (Employee Union). Their antecedent was the Sangyoo-Houkokukai (Industrial Patriotic Association) during the war. The organization of Juugyooin-Kumiai was established through the Seisan-Kanri-Tousou (the struggle for production control). The characteristics of Juugyooin-Kumiai are as follows. 1) The members of this organization were those who belonged to the same company. 2) They regarded themselves as producers. 3) They understood themselves as the central power of postwar reconstruction. These characteristics were to be embedded in the Japanese industrial relations after the end of the occupation.

著者

楠井 敏朗

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.1, pp.37-56, 1968-10-20 (Released:2017-10-30)

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Modern factory system originated in England in the last third of the eighteenth century. And its effects gave rise to such important results in the various phases of english economy. So the process has been called the Industrial Revolution. The Industrial Revolution in England, at the same time, was accompanied by agricultural revolution, and the coexistence of two "revolutions" accelerated the reform of english economic structure. The fact that two "revolutions" went hand in hand was exceptional one in the world history. We intended to study in this paper, why this exceptional case had taken place only in England. The results analyzed in this paper are, that division of social labor was diversified and production of consumer's goods remarkably developed in the first half of eighteenth century England, [development of cotton, linen, silk, hardware industries], and position of woollen and worsted industries declined of the importance in the national economy; that the starting point of economic circulation was "rent"or consumer's expenditure of landlord, in this meaning, agriculture was indispensable to economic growth in eighteenth century England, so government and parliament protected the agriculture in the same way as to another industries.; that being stimulated by development of consumer's goods industries, producer's good industries, exp. iron and steel industry also developed in the eve of the industrial revolution; that on these economic ground, the technical innovation in one of the manufacturing processes of cotton industry extended to another processes and another industries; and that by the introduction of Watt's "steem engine" in the manufacturing process of cotton industry was established the production of this industry, and producer's goods industries and consumer's goods industries were combined through production and by this circulation of commodities, and hence trade structure in England came to be pulled by accumulation in producer's goods industries.

著者

ヴォヴェル ミシェル 遅塚 忠躬

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.58-68, 1987-10-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

田中 慎一

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.3, pp.1-20, 1974-04-20 (Released:2017-10-30)

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This article tries to clarify the actual condition of the adjustment of "the tax collection ledgers" (1907-1910) which was a principal factor of reforms of the tax collection system in so called Kankoku-Zaisei-Seiri (1904-1910), and the adjustment of " the tax collection ledgers" is to be chiefly considered in the process of elucidating both the policy which secures land taxes, an important element of the annual revenue, and the historic significance of the policy itself. And this article also tries to clarify the historic significance of the adjustment of "the tax collection "edgers" in the preceeding history of so called Chosen-Tochi-Chosa-Jigyo (1910-1918). Japanese Imperialism set about adjusting Sakufubo (or Kinki) in July 1907, because it seemed to be impossible to collect land taxes by means of Ryo-an and Sakufubo was the most important tax collection ledger of all. This Sakufu-Jigyo started on a full scale at Zaimu-Kantokukyoku in the district of Korea in 1908, and Japanese Imperialism excluded Rizoku in the district of Korea and hurried to accomplish this work with the aid of the land-lord class in the agricultural district. This article clarifies the actual condition of the Sakufu-Jigyo which started in Taikyu, Zenshu, Gen-zan and Koushu under Zaimu-Kantokukyoku in 1908 or 1909 and elucidates that the Sakufu-Jigyo had several differences in some respects. Japanese Imperialism tried to know in the Sakufu-Jigyo On whom land taxes should be imposed and to whom land ownership should be given. The Sakufu-Jigyo was in short the real beginning of Tochi-Chosa-Jigyo in Korea. After the completion of Chizei-Choshu-Daicho, Japanese Imperialism began making Kessu-Renmeibo in July 1909. This Kessu-Renmeibo was of great importance, for it unified the ledgers that had been made in various ways till then in the Sakufu-Jigyo under Zaimu-Kantokukyoku. This work, however, was not successful, because the Kessu-Renmeibo was made with the intention that land taxes ought to be imposed upon peasants and land ownership should not be given to anyone. Consequently Japanese Imperialism began making new Kessu-Renmeibo again in June 1910 in order to secure land taxes. The Kessu-Renmeibo was made with the intention that land taxes should be imposed upon landlords and land ownership should be given to them. This work was successful, and Tochi-Shinkokusho in "Tochi-Chosa Jigyo" (1910-1918) was made on the basis of the Kessu-Renmeibo. Japanese Imperialism planned so that the landlords may form a new ruling class in the agricultural district. The Kessu-Renmeibo was the last stage in the process of the adjustment of "the tax collection ledgers" which Japanese Imperialism had been making since 1907 and at the same time it was the first stage in the process of "Tochi-Chosa-Jigyo". The Kessu-Renmeibo operated to link these two processes together. Therefore the adjustment of "the tax collection ledgers" was the real beginning of Tochi-Chosa-Jigyo in Korea. Accordingly Tochi-Chosa-Jigyo in Korea should be regarded not merely as so called Chosen-Tochi-Chosa-Jigyo (1910-1918) but as both the adjustment of "the tax collection ledgers" (1907-1910) and "Tochi-Chosa-Jigyo" (1910-1918).

著者

菅山 真次

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.4, pp.34-50, 1985-07-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

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With regard to the corporation apprenticeship in the 1920's, there exist two opposing views at present: According to one view its role is highly estimated in relation to the formation of "the prototype" of "the Japanese Employment System"; in the other, on the contrary, its retrocession at this period is stressed. The purpose of this paper is to give meaningful material to solve this problem by making clear the change from the period of WWI to the 1920's in Totei-Yoseijo, the corporation apprenticeship school, of the Hitachi Company. In the period of WWI, Yoseijo was faced by a critical situation, which was expressed in outstandingly high rates of turnover and of absence under tightening of the labor market and development of the labor movement. Removal of the influence of the labor unions in 1919-20 and the following panic of 1920, however, changed the situation drastically: the both rates sharply declined. Since these occasions, about 40% of Yoseijo graduates, presumably much more after the late 1920's, have been involved in "the Life Long Employment System". The change didn't stop here. Around the year of 1920, the workers of the Hitachi Co. were thought to be a kind of "stragglers" or "bankrupts." But such a low social status of the workers did change dramatically in the late 1920's, when Hitachi district developed as a company town through the growth of the Hitachi Co. in spite of the depression at that time. This brought a remarkable increase in the number of applicants for Yoseijo, and the competitive rate increassed nearly 10 times as much in 1930. Thus, Yoseijo could employ as apprentices those who had earned good grades at school. This, on the one hand, contributed to further decline of the rates of turnover and absence, and, on the other, made it possible to meet the need of skill based on scientific knowledge at this period.

著者

山村 睦夫

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.1, pp.25-46, 1976-10-20 (Released:2017-10-30)

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Generally speaking the formative process of Japanese imperialism is characterised by state capital and military power which substitute for poorly accumulated capital. But it is not clarified enough about the relevance of private capital into this process. The theme of this paper is to clarify the advance process of Mitsui Bussan Co. towards China and is to examin the significance of this large private capital in the formative process of Japanese imperialism. Mitsui Bussan Co. has occupied a key possition of Japanese trade as well as one of core enterprises of Mitsui Zaibatsu. After Sino-Japanese War, its advance to China in trade founded on the coherence with relevant companies of Mitsui Zaibatsu group and its powerful sales network to establish the monopolistic position in channels of distribution. This matter was a primary factor of growing financial clique as well as supporting the establishment of industrial capital. Though Mitsui Bussan Co. was also active in capital export, which didn't occupy a key position of advance into China and Mitsui's inroad to China has been done chiefly through its channels of distribution. For this Bussan's inroad to China, Russo-Japanese War was a turnning point to add new characteristics. During the war, Bussan was engaged in supplying the military as a wartime purveyor. On one hand this accomplished the commissariat role of Japanese military invation. On the other hand it brought a large profit to Mitsui Bussan Co. itself, too. It also made the Bussan's relation with the government and the military closer. Though it is certain that this engagement in military supply based on the monopolistic position in distribution, it was also a turnning point to make this monopolistic position more powerful. In the trade with China after Russo-Japanese War, Mitsui Bussan Co. has strengthened its monopolistic position through increasing trade. Especially in "Manchuria", expansion of the market has developed with various features. On one hand it has attempted to expand the market depending on the state inroad (military inroad, railroad, finance etc). On the other hand, it was indispensable to carry out the government politics, which were to control the trade with "Manchuria" or to manage Southern Manchuria Railroad and so on. At the same time, Bussan's monopolistic position in channels of distribution obtained stabler superiority depending on the state inroad or taking advantage of governmental politics. Thus, Japanese imperialistic inroad has developed rapidly while the inroad of both the state and the large private capital depended each other.

著者

西田 美昭

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, no.3, pp.53-66, 1990-04-20 (Released:2017-12-30)

著者

柳沢 遊

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.4, pp.1-18, 1981-07-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

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The purpose of this paper is to analyze the process of social movements by Japanese retail dealers in "Manchuria" (Northeast China) during a decade of 1920-1930. In 1920's, Japaneae retail dealers in staple foods and commodities generally fell into poverty caused by three important factors. They developed social movements intending to obtain the special protection of their trades from Kwantung Agency or South Manchuria Railway Company. Their demands for protection consisted of two main contents. One was to abolish the Consumer's Cooperative Societies and the other was to establish the financial banking for the running trade money to them. Japanese retail dealers made every effort to abolish the Cooperative Societies, but in vain. All they attained was the end of the direct protection for the Cooperative Societies by South Manchuria Railway Company. At the first stage of the movement, the retail dealers proeeded in accordance with the Chambers of Commerce in "Manchuria". In the latter half of 1920's, they established their own organization and propelled the movements against Cooperative Societies and for establishment of Manchuria Import Association, under the hegemony of retail dealers' shop societies. As the result of their roused social movements, South Manchuria Railway Company and Kwantung Agency were forced to take measures against the distressed "middle class" in 1927-1928. The establishment of Manchuria Import Associations and City Financial Associations by Kwantung Agency meant a remedy for the distressed "middle class" Japanese residents in "Manchuria". Nevertheless, such a remedy obviously could not result in the drastic improvement of the economic conditions of all the Japanese retail dealers. The retail dealers' demands were partially realized, some of their economic, social dissatisfaction sbsorbed into the "relief policy" by the colonial authorities, and others canalized to the exclusive anti-China movements. The development of trade activity of Chinese merchants was the basic factor which enforced the retail dealers to participate in the exclusionism movements. The enforcement of "Anti-Japan" economic policies by Chan Hsiieh-liang government accompanied by frequent boycottings of Japanese goods, accelerated the antiforeignism among Japanese residents. Thus, under the circumstances of the world crisis, Japanese retail dealers who combined the sense of depression in their own trade with the sense of exclusionism, responded excessively to the "crisis" of Japanese special interests in "Manchuria". To break through the difficult situation, they wanted every possible means, including the operation of Kwantung Army.

著者

松尾 正人

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.3, pp.42-57, 1981-04-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

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Problems of local control by the central government in the early stage of the Meiji Period still remain unclear. This paper discusses a period from the establishment of the Meiji government to the abolition of feudal domains and establishment of prefectures to elucidate details of local government and relations between problems of local rule and the political process of the new government. Firstly, this paper specifically covers matters which have been rarely discussed, such as functions of the Ministry of Home Affairs (民部官) and the role of the Deputy Minister for Home Affairs, Saneomi Hirosawa (広沢真臣), and describes how government agencies for local rule were set up in the initial stage of the Meiji Period, and other particular aspects of the agencies. The ministry's measures for ruling prefectures derived from an idea of Saneomi Hirosawa, who strove to establish a prefectural government in Kyoto. In explaining the character of these measures, this paper makes it clear that the measures included enlightened spects while promoting centralized rule. As examples, the ministry's establishment of prefectural assemblies and its administrative inspectors sent to local governments are cited. Secondly, this paper describes difficulties in local rule by the new government under pressure from Europe and the United States and intra-government conflicts over local rule. It is pointed out that Saneomi Hirosawa's idea played an important role in the separation, especially the separation of the Home Affairs Ministry from the Finance Ministry in July 1870. Furthermore, it is explain that behind separation there were intra-governmental conflicts over local rule and criticism by local administrators against the two ministries. Thirdly, this paper touches upon the role that problems of local rule played in the abolition of feudal domains and establishment of prefectures in 1871, and other reforms before and after that. It explains that Toshimichi Okubo (大久保利通), who took the initiative in the 1871 reforms, intended to curb the considerable influence of the Finance Ministry for a stable Government while strengthening the authority of the Imperial Court. The basic political course of the new Meiji government was centralization under financial pressure. Based on the analysis in this paper, however, I believe the government's internal confusion, caused by problems of local rule and subsequent reforms of government agencies, characterize the new Meiji regime during its process of establishment.

著者

山崎 志郎

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.2, pp.16-34, 1991-01-20 (Released:2017-12-30)

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Japan put all of her energies into increasing aircraft output during the latter half of the Pacific War. The demand for aircraft was in exess of the productive capacity, so the government mobilized equipment, materials, labor to the aircraft industry as much as posible. In this sense the aircraft industry is an important focus for the analysis of the national mobilization in Japan. The military authorities planned an urgent aircraft production program for 1944 during the summer of 1943 with priority given to the High Command demands. In this plan they expected 3 times as much output as 1943 at the cost of reductions in many other weapons. The Musashino Plant of Nakajima Aircraft Company, Ltd., one of the biggest aircraft maker in Japan, expanded its facilities rapidly. But on the other hand, lack of coordination of equipments and dilution proceeded unduly. The Musashino Plant had priority for materials, machines, labor, electricity, etc.. Trading on this merits the plant tightened the combinations between subcontract, cooperative and allied factories. But the high productivity was not accomplished owing to a shortage of high efficiency machines and technical experts. For all that the extream mobilization of labor, the priority production of materials and machines for aircraft, the nationwide recovery and the distribution concentration yielded much increase in aircraft production. There was no consideration for the cooperation of the overall economy anymore. Therefore the selfgoverned distribution system by the Control Asociations which developed during the war time, began to collapse.

著者

加用 信文

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, no.2, pp.1-23, 1973-01-20 (Released:2017-10-30)

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It is aimed to prove that both of the Marc Bloch's proposition on wheat mowing in the feudal age and the Albert Soboul's proposition on it in the Agricultural Revolution can not be applied to English Agriculture which has accomplished Agricultural Revolution most successfully. The main literatures cited in this are twenty six papers about the wheat mowing in the "Museum Rusticum et Commerciale" which have never been cited before, and farming books written by Walter of Henry, by Fitzherbert, and by W. Marshall, as well as "Sketches of Rural Affairs" . It is hoped that the paper makes contribution to the study on technology and farm work as related to the modernization of English Agriculture. I. Taking notice to "eteule" (the right to use haulms), M. Bloch insisted that common scythes were used only on pasture, while sickles were done in "ble" by force. The author's comments on the Bloch's proposition are as follows. (1) Bloch took no account of differences in the use of straws and cereals between "wheat" as winter crop and "barley" as summer crop in his study on the right to use haulms. (2) The following two systems were found in old farming books; the "wheat-sickle-reap" system and the "barley-scythe-mow" system. There were remarkable differences between them, as to the reaping tool and the method of reaping. (3) Reaping 'high' was not due to the use of sickle by force but to the fact that it was more favorable for farmers to reap high than to mow. There were six main reasons for it, such as weed control, preventing gleanings, working system, work intensity, working efficiency, and field conditions especially between furrows and ridges. (4) Though farmers had the right of use of haulms it was not the cause of reaping 'high'. As the straws of barley and oat were the most important roughage for livestock in winter in the medieval times, it was groundless to insist their restriction by the rural community. In short, the Bloch's proposition had a fatal weakpoint that it did not deal with the relationship between the reaping method and the farming system. Though his proposition had a splendid idea on farming technique, it was impossible to find the original literature from which the idea came. II. Following the Bloch's proposition, A. Soboul proposed that the harvesting method changed from reaping 'high' into mowing by cradle-scythe during the agricultural revolution. The Soboul's proposition was examined by refering to the farming books in that period. The papers of the disputes on the wheat mowing described the new scythe-especially Hainault scythe-by refering to it's structure, the working method, the efficiency as well as the comparison of advantages between reaping 'high' and mowing based on the field experiment. The comparison was done in terms of the economic conditions, while the practical technological conditions were not studied which were necessary for popularization. The harvesting process of wheat was composed of the organically systematized processes, done by human labour, such as reaping, gathering and binding and it was influenced by cropping systems and various field conditions. Therefore, it was very difficult to change the process of cutting alone with no influence on other processes. And also the condition still continued that reaping 'high' was more favorable than mowing, even if a farmer had to pay high wages for the work. It was difficult to find enough materials to prove the fact above mentioned, except the report on harvesting and it's regional characteristics by W. Marshall. There was no description on it on the County Reports, too. It could not be proved that there was the change in farming from reaping 'high' by sickles to mowing by improved scythes from the end of 18th(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

林 采成

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.2, pp.1-17, 2001-01-20 (Released:2017-12-30)

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With the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese war, the Japanese colonial government in Korea attempted to use statecontrolled operation of the colonial economy to allocate its limited resources preferentially to the war effort and warrelated sectors. The land transportation sector, which had occupied only a secondary position in economic activity in peacetime, became a vital influence on the wartime economy. The Korean National Railways(KNR) had to adjust to wide gaps between supply and demand. This was done not only by reinforcing seasonal and geographical regulation of freight traffic, but also by allocating transportation capacity according to state-defined order of priority. General planning of transportation was promoted with the development of the controlled economy and the sudden increase in military transportation from 1941. An ex ante allocation system of transportation capacity through information exchange between KNR and its distribution control association was established. Simultaneously, state control was extended to the terminal sector of rail transportation and controlled mergers of forwarding agencies were promoted. After the outbreak of the Pacific War, the government emphasized relay land transportation of resources from China via the Korean Peninsula to make up for the decline in marine transportation capacity. The colonial government in Korea established a linked land and marine transportation system through an administrative reorganization that included merging the land and port forwarding agencies. Although transportation planning was extended to the China-ManchuriaKorea-Japan traffic stream, integration of the four railways for planning optimization was prevented by the Korean colonial government's objection to the separation of transportation and administration - an objection grounded in the view that planned transportation was indispensable to the operation of a planned economy. Thus, only a limited degree of unification was achieved in the management of relay transportation. There was a clear need for increased state intervention, given market conditions of excess demand and centralized planning of the economy. This greater state control was in fact achieved, but transportation still ended up becoming a bottleneck of the wartime economy, due to resource shortages and poor coordination between the different areas under Japanese control.

著者

山崎 志郎

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.3, pp.4-17, 1996-04-20 (Released:2017-12-30)

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The mobilization system during the War consisted of two stages. In the first stage 1937-41 the long-range mobilization system was formed, in later stage 1942-45 nonmilitary section was restrained thoroughly, so mobilization of munitions industry was managed barely but whole ecomomic plan resulted in collapse. The distinctive features of the mobilization system are the market mechanism, the profit incentive, and the competitions in strategic industries, integrated into the system ingeniously from first to last. In the first stage the munitions mobilization plan and the capacity expanding plan ensured the increase of long-range demand and the priority of materials supply. Many low-ranking and newly-estabilished companies invested in plants and equipments positively. But the outbreak of the European War and the International trade restriction made the consistency of the lowprice policy and the overall expansion of companies of the plan difficult. The profit pool system, the more strict priority supply system and the cooperative finance system were introduced into the mobilization system to ensure the long-range price stability and the mobilization. Soon after the outbreak of the Pacific War the production of fundamental materials began to decrease. The increase of the output in shipbuilding and the aircraft indusutry became the critical issue of the mobilization. The Government gave up the consistency of the whole economic plan. The inconsistency of supply and demand plan of all sorts of materials came out. The Center and the Prefectural government mobilized materials, labor, transportation capacity, electric power, fuel, etc. to a small number of specified companies. Thus the huge industries of precision, electlic, transport machine appeared in Japan during the War at the sacrifice of the other industries.

著者

野内 美子

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.3, pp.44-53, 2002-04-20 (Released:2017-12-30)

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Traditionally, French economic policy used to be characterized by its emphasis on state intervention. But since 1983, when the Socialist government of the day decided to promote economic policy coordination in the European Monetary System and to abandon Keynesian economic policy, liberal economic reform has progressed in France. The purpose of this paper is to analyse changes in French economic policy in relation to European integration, and to clarify its specific features. The first section of this paper examines the formation of the Economic and Monetary Union as an instrument to deal with globalization. The second section outlines major changes in the EU economy relating to the progress of European integration. The third section analyses the background of the about-turn in French economic policy, and the development of "Competitive disinflation" policy in France since 1983. In conclusion, this paper points out that in sharp contrast to the United States, the EU, including France, has developed a form of economic liberalization that is not based on "market fundamentalism".

著者

保志 恂

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.1, pp.43-53, 1995

著者

藤井 透

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.3, pp.19-27, 2001

被引用文献数

1

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Social reform and imperialism were the greatest political questions in Britain at the turn of the century. The purpose of this paper is to clarify the difference between the new liberalism and Fabianism of the time by comparing how J.A. Hobson and the Webbs understood the relations between them. In this paper, I point out that the difference between Hobson and the Webbs derives from their respective methods of study. Hobson's method was based on deduction while the Webbs' method was based on induction, and this led to the different ways in which they evaluated social policy. Since Hobson evaluated individual policies from the standpoint of deduction, he showed little attachment to implementing any particular policy. On the other hand, the Webbs conceptualized the notion of the National Minimum on the basis of how to guarantee a minimum standard of living for the workers in the context of trade unionism. The Webbs propagated the philosophy and policy of the National Minimum based on their faith that this method, the newest to appear in history, was the most effective policy for the future. On the other hand, although this has been neglected in the past, there are many points in common between Hobson and the Webbs. First, they had a common awareness of the need to address the social problems that had become apparent at the end of the nineteenth century. Second, they believed that specific social problems were the "diseases" of capitalism or social institutions. Third, they had a shared aspiration to an economics which emphasized the consumer. Finally, since Hobson opposed the Anglo Boer War while the Webbs supported the war, it may seem that they held different views of imperialism. However, a close reading of Hobson's Imperialism and the Fabian Society's Fabianism and the Empire reveals a common "racist" stance. In other words, both parties opposed self government by "lower races" or "colored natives".