著者

譚 謎

出版者

九州大学大学院地球社会統合科学府

雑誌

地球社会統合科学研究 = Integrated sciences for global society studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.1, pp.29-42, 2014

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This paper attempts to describe the ways in which the Esperanto movement in the early twentieth century Japan aimed at achieving a broadly-defined international solidarity. Esperanto is a planned language that was designed as a medium for advancing intercultural communication and understanding, but at the same the movement concerned with it gave high importance to the concept of an ethnic group, in a nationalistic manner. In Japan, Esperanto achieved popularity after the Russo-Japanese War in 1904-05, because of the development of Japan's international relations. At the beginning of this period, some intellectuals-positively aimed to assimilate European culture and at the same time spread Japanese tradition and culture overseas, therefore they had an interest in Esperanto as an international language. This study reveals that what made the Esperantists come together, despite their political differences, was an interest in the pragmatic usefulness of Esperanto. However, there appeared clearly different political tendencies amony them, Which led to three groups in the Japanese Esperanto movement in early 1920s, including some people who promoted Esperanto but did not practice it themselves. This paper aims to reveal why in the period immediately after the First World War these intellectuals attempted to adopt Esperanto, how Esperanto could be used for political purposes, and how Japanese Esperantists promoted international solidarity in a world where socialism and nationalism were on the rise. This paper explores some reasons and back ground of a growing Japanese Esperanto movement in the early twentieth century and the way in which Japanese Esperanto movement has oscillated between internationalism and nationalism.

著者

德永 翔太

出版者

九州大学大学院地球社会統合科学府

雑誌

地球社会統合科学研究 = Integrated sciences for global society studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.3, pp.33-44, 2015

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Politics today is in a critical situation due to economic globalization, which compels governments to implement neoliberal policies that favor market forces. In this situation, politics, which recognizes the value of compromise when diverse interests are present, is not seen to be necessary. The study of politics needs to solve this problematic situation in which politics is being undermined by the forces of the market economy. Studies on the defence of politics have a considerable influence in political economy. They examine neoliberal ideologies closely from a view point of institutional analysis. Based on the arguments of the defence of politics, therefore, this paper tries to analyze the mechanism by which neoliberal ideologies constrain politics. These studies argue that economic globalization should not be a historical given and that it is actually promoted by neoliberal policies. They also points out that neoliberalists make use of fatalism in order to adapt neoliberal policies, escaping from their duties to listen to diverse demands fromvarious interest groups. On the other hand, Japanese studies on the concept of the political imagination try to resolve the situation by emphasizing the power of solidarity against neoliberalism. However, a discussion on the problems of neoliberalism from the point of view of political economy has not yet been carried out sufficiently in Japan. There are two reasons for this: first, it is often assumed that economic globalization is a kind of assumed law of history. Second, it is also considered to be the case that such research can not provide any effective institutional solutions due to a sort of fatalistic view, which believes that nation states will surely lose their powers of control in the era of economic globalization. The aim of this paper is to argue that we should learn from the both studies to solve the recent political predicament evident in nation states.

著者

里村 和歌子

出版者

九州大学大学院地球社会統合科学府

雑誌

地球社会統合科学研究 = Integrated sciences for global society studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.3, pp.15-25, 2015

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This article will confirm whether or not "Sakka-san", or "handmade-housewives", are followers of the consumer movement, "Seikatsu-sha movement". This article will make use of data from fieldwork conducted with "Sakka-san" and aim to discover what differences exist between "housewife-ness", that is to say those who fit the model of the housewife, and those who oppose the male oriented industrial society. Results in this paper reveal that the concept of the housewife is not sufficiently dealt with in the consumer movement. In cases where the choice of becoming a "Sakka-san" was influenced by pragmatic concerns, there remains the possibility of opposing and finding an alternative to the industrial society.

著者

王 揚

出版者

九州大学大学院地球社会統合科学府

雑誌

地球社会統合科学研究 = Integrated sciences for global society studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.11, pp.1-14, 2019

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In recent years, books with titles such as "Appearance influences 90% of people" and "The True Identity of a Beauty" have been attracting attention. For entertainers such as actors and singers, it can easily imagined that the appearance of the person is a major factor of their success. But in the business and political world however how important is Appearance? / The purpose of this paper is to empirically analyze the factors that determine the basis on which voters in select candidates in local elections. Here, it is assumed that the voters intuitively judge the candidate selection by Appearance, and the relationship between the "beauty degree" and "smiling degree" of the candidate and the number of votes obtained is analyzed. As data, we will use photos of the candidates listed in the "Election Bulletin" of the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly election in 2017. "Beauty" is measured by a questionnaire survey of 100 students at Takushoku University's Faculty of Economics, and "Smile" is measured from the answers to "OKAO VISION" developed by OMRON. In this paper, it was deduced that not the candidates' degree of beauty and smiling were related to the percentage of votes obtained in the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly election in 2017.

著者

イイ ソミン

出版者

九州大学大学院地球社会統合科学府

雑誌

地球社会統合科学研究 = Integrated sciences for global society studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.8, pp.13-19, 2018

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本稿は、他動性という文法的側面について考察した。他動性の研究は一般に、対象言語の文法的機能としての動詞の分析(自動詞か他動詞か、等)を通じてなされる。分析の枠組みとして、Hopper & Thompson(1980)の他動性の10のパラメータを用い、アスペクトはそのうちの一つである。本稿の目的は、同一の出来事及び行動の表現を、日本語・英語・ミャンマー語のアスペクトの視点から観察し、三言語のアスペクトの違いを解明することである。分析対象として、吉本ばななによる「キッチン」(1988)の三つの言語の作品を用いた。英語とミャンマー語のバーションは、日本語のオリジナルから翻訳されたものである。これらの作品から同一出来事を表現する部分を任意で抽出し、テリックとアテリック(完了相と未完了相)という観点で分類した。動詞のアスペクトは非常に広範な研究テーマであり、他動性研究においても重要な位置を占めている。このような意味で、本研究は、三言語におけるアスペクトの比較研究であり、他動性の研究に新たな知見をもたらたしたと言える。

著者

冨田 健司

出版者

九州大学大学院地球社会統合科学府

雑誌

地球社会統合科学研究 = Integrated sciences for global society studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.12, pp.27-43, 2020-02

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Since the beginning of the 2010s, we have seen a global rise of radical-right populism. In Europe, populists are trying to depict themselves as defenders of innocent people, especially those "who are left behind", against "corrupt political establishments", and provide "combination of sovereign nationstate identity and protectionist (or social-democratic model) economy" alternative against globalisation and European integration. In the UK, the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) under Nigel Farage's leadership (2006-2009/2010-2016), had evolved into a party with this model from single-issue and Thatcherite-like party, and led public opinion into decision of" Brexit", Britain's leave from EU, in the June 2016 referendum. In this paper, I will try to challenge traditional conflicting explanations on UKIP as "Thatcherite" or "welfare-state chauvinism", and the umbrella term of "populism" when we are explaining this kind of phenomenon. In Section 3, I analyse UKIP's constitution, manifestos and some of Farage's remarks, including social media. In Section 4, by comparing this with UKIP's manifesto before Farage, can show how UKIP's nature was changed with analysis on surrounding domestic and European political factors. Section 5 will be about David Miller's liberal-nationalist concepts and Shoji's European Integration trilemma which itself was modelled after Dani Rodrik's globalisation paradox, and how UKIP under Farage could fit the "Democracy in One Country" model. Section 6, is about how Farage's model had attracted "people left behind" with supplementation of previous Takahashi's research on the rise of UKIP from political-sociological perspective. In the concluding part, Section 7, I am trying to provide some implications for how this model affected the decision of the Brexit referendum as well as its potential global effects.