著者

譚 謎

出版者

九州大学大学院地球社会統合科学府

雑誌

地球社会統合科学研究 = Integrated sciences for global society studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.1, pp.29-42, 2014

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This paper attempts to describe the ways in which the Esperanto movement in the early twentieth century Japan aimed at achieving a broadly-defined international solidarity. Esperanto is a planned language that was designed as a medium for advancing intercultural communication and understanding, but at the same the movement concerned with it gave high importance to the concept of an ethnic group, in a nationalistic manner. In Japan, Esperanto achieved popularity after the Russo-Japanese War in 1904-05, because of the development of Japan's international relations. At the beginning of this period, some intellectuals-positively aimed to assimilate European culture and at the same time spread Japanese tradition and culture overseas, therefore they had an interest in Esperanto as an international language. This study reveals that what made the Esperantists come together, despite their political differences, was an interest in the pragmatic usefulness of Esperanto. However, there appeared clearly different political tendencies amony them, Which led to three groups in the Japanese Esperanto movement in early 1920s, including some people who promoted Esperanto but did not practice it themselves. This paper aims to reveal why in the period immediately after the First World War these intellectuals attempted to adopt Esperanto, how Esperanto could be used for political purposes, and how Japanese Esperantists promoted international solidarity in a world where socialism and nationalism were on the rise. This paper explores some reasons and back ground of a growing Japanese Esperanto movement in the early twentieth century and the way in which Japanese Esperanto movement has oscillated between internationalism and nationalism.

著者

三浦 裕子

出版者

九州大学大学院地球社会統合科学府

雑誌

地球社会統合科学研究

巻号頁・発行日

no.3, pp.77-86, 2015-09-25

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Schwalzwälderkirschtorte or Blackforest Cake is the most popular cake in Germany. Seemingly a traditional cake, its actual history is somewhat more complicated, as its origin and development are not clear. This paper attempts to clarify aspects of German cake culture by researching the historical changes of the Blackforest cake. The first chapter examines the history of German cakes and specifically the "torte," which is one type of cake in the German speaking world of Germany, Austria and part of Switzerland. The recipe for the Blackforest Cake first appeared in "250 Konditorei-Spezialitäten und wie sie entstehen," which was published in Germany in 1934. The second chapter compares and highlights the differences between the Blackforest cake of 1934 and its present-day form. The third chapter considers the broader implications of what changes to the Blackforest Cake may mean.

著者

德永 翔太

出版者

九州大学大学院地球社会統合科学府

雑誌

地球社会統合科学研究 = Integrated sciences for global society studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.3, pp.33-44, 2015

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Politics today is in a critical situation due to economic globalization, which compels governments to implement neoliberal policies that favor market forces. In this situation, politics, which recognizes the value of compromise when diverse interests are present, is not seen to be necessary. The study of politics needs to solve this problematic situation in which politics is being undermined by the forces of the market economy. Studies on the defence of politics have a considerable influence in political economy. They examine neoliberal ideologies closely from a view point of institutional analysis. Based on the arguments of the defence of politics, therefore, this paper tries to analyze the mechanism by which neoliberal ideologies constrain politics. These studies argue that economic globalization should not be a historical given and that it is actually promoted by neoliberal policies. They also points out that neoliberalists make use of fatalism in order to adapt neoliberal policies, escaping from their duties to listen to diverse demands fromvarious interest groups. On the other hand, Japanese studies on the concept of the political imagination try to resolve the situation by emphasizing the power of solidarity against neoliberalism. However, a discussion on the problems of neoliberalism from the point of view of political economy has not yet been carried out sufficiently in Japan. There are two reasons for this: first, it is often assumed that economic globalization is a kind of assumed law of history. Second, it is also considered to be the case that such research can not provide any effective institutional solutions due to a sort of fatalistic view, which believes that nation states will surely lose their powers of control in the era of economic globalization. The aim of this paper is to argue that we should learn from the both studies to solve the recent political predicament evident in nation states.

著者

里村 和歌子

出版者

九州大学大学院地球社会統合科学府

雑誌

地球社会統合科学研究 = Integrated sciences for global society studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.3, pp.15-25, 2015

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This article will confirm whether or not "Sakka-san", or "handmade-housewives", are followers of the consumer movement, "Seikatsu-sha movement". This article will make use of data from fieldwork conducted with "Sakka-san" and aim to discover what differences exist between "housewife-ness", that is to say those who fit the model of the housewife, and those who oppose the male oriented industrial society. Results in this paper reveal that the concept of the housewife is not sufficiently dealt with in the consumer movement. In cases where the choice of becoming a "Sakka-san" was influenced by pragmatic concerns, there remains the possibility of opposing and finding an alternative to the industrial society.

著者

Ahmed Al-Ajili

出版者

九州大学大学院地球社会統合科学府

雑誌

地球社会統合科学研究

巻号頁・発行日

no.7, pp.125-133, 2017-09-25

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イラクの核開発計画の始まりは1950年代であったが、統合された核開発計画が実際に開始されたのは1980年代である。イラクは当初、フランスやイタリアなどの海外企業に依存した核開発を進めていた。海外に技術スタッフおよび科学者を送ることを通して核開発に従事する人材の育成を目指し、その人数は約8000人に達した。その結果、米国を中心とする国際社会は、イラクの核開発の目標や意図、そして中東地域における安全と安定に対する脅威を懸念し始めた。まずイスラエルが1981 年にフランス製ORISAK 原子炉(イラク名「TAMOZ」)を破壊し、核開発計画を阻止しようとした。また、Iraqi Nuclear Program(INP)で働いていたイラク人やとアラブ人科学者の暗殺を行った。湾岸戦争時の1991年4には、イラクの核兵器施設撲滅を監視するために国際連合大量破壊兵器廃棄特別委員会(United Nation Special Commission (UNSCOM))が形成された(安保理決議第687 号)。この決議文には、イラクの核兵器施設を取り除くために国際原子力機関と協同し、化学、生物、およびミサイル兵器施設の撲滅を進めることが記載されている。本稿では、1950年代のはじめから1991年の湾岸戦争の勃発までのイラクの核開発計画の歴史的展開を分析することを通して、サダム政権がINP を平和目的から軍事目的に変えていった要因を明らかにする。結論は以下の通りとなる。軍事目的に移行した要因は、イラクに対する近隣諸国からの脅威といえるだろう。1980 年、イスラエル航空機によるフランス製原子炉ORISAK に対する爆撃により、イラク政府は核を所有する軍隊と核を所有しない軍隊との力の不均衡を考慮し始めた。そして1980 年のイラン・イラク戦争の勃発により、イラク政府は突然の攻撃を予期した核兵器の保有を考慮するに至った。特にこの戦争の期間イスラエルとイランの両国が核能力を有していたため、イラク政府は核兵器保有の可能性を追求した。同時にイラク政府は、世界の先進国の立場を考慮して、原子力の必要性と軍事および産業開発を通じたアラブ諸国間の統一の重要性を強調した。

著者

王 揚

出版者

九州大学大学院地球社会統合科学府

雑誌

地球社会統合科学研究 = Integrated sciences for global society studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.11, pp.1-14, 2019

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In recent years, books with titles such as "Appearance influences 90% of people" and "The True Identity of a Beauty" have been attracting attention. For entertainers such as actors and singers, it can easily imagined that the appearance of the person is a major factor of their success. But in the business and political world however how important is Appearance? / The purpose of this paper is to empirically analyze the factors that determine the basis on which voters in select candidates in local elections. Here, it is assumed that the voters intuitively judge the candidate selection by Appearance, and the relationship between the "beauty degree" and "smiling degree" of the candidate and the number of votes obtained is analyzed. As data, we will use photos of the candidates listed in the "Election Bulletin" of the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly election in 2017. "Beauty" is measured by a questionnaire survey of 100 students at Takushoku University's Faculty of Economics, and "Smile" is measured from the answers to "OKAO VISION" developed by OMRON. In this paper, it was deduced that not the candidates' degree of beauty and smiling were related to the percentage of votes obtained in the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly election in 2017.

著者

イイ ソミン

出版者

九州大学大学院地球社会統合科学府

雑誌

地球社会統合科学研究 = Integrated sciences for global society studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.8, pp.13-19, 2018

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本稿は、他動性という文法的側面について考察した。他動性の研究は一般に、対象言語の文法的機能としての動詞の分析(自動詞か他動詞か、等)を通じてなされる。分析の枠組みとして、Hopper & Thompson(1980)の他動性の10のパラメータを用い、アスペクトはそのうちの一つである。本稿の目的は、同一の出来事及び行動の表現を、日本語・英語・ミャンマー語のアスペクトの視点から観察し、三言語のアスペクトの違いを解明することである。分析対象として、吉本ばななによる「キッチン」(1988)の三つの言語の作品を用いた。英語とミャンマー語のバーションは、日本語のオリジナルから翻訳されたものである。これらの作品から同一出来事を表現する部分を任意で抽出し、テリックとアテリック(完了相と未完了相)という観点で分類した。動詞のアスペクトは非常に広範な研究テーマであり、他動性研究においても重要な位置を占めている。このような意味で、本研究は、三言語におけるアスペクトの比較研究であり、他動性の研究に新たな知見をもたらたしたと言える。

著者

冨田 健司

出版者

九州大学大学院地球社会統合科学府

雑誌

地球社会統合科学研究 = Integrated sciences for global society studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.12, pp.27-43, 2020-02

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Since the beginning of the 2010s, we have seen a global rise of radical-right populism. In Europe, populists are trying to depict themselves as defenders of innocent people, especially those "who are left behind", against "corrupt political establishments", and provide "combination of sovereign nationstate identity and protectionist (or social-democratic model) economy" alternative against globalisation and European integration. In the UK, the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) under Nigel Farage's leadership (2006-2009/2010-2016), had evolved into a party with this model from single-issue and Thatcherite-like party, and led public opinion into decision of" Brexit", Britain's leave from EU, in the June 2016 referendum. In this paper, I will try to challenge traditional conflicting explanations on UKIP as "Thatcherite" or "welfare-state chauvinism", and the umbrella term of "populism" when we are explaining this kind of phenomenon. In Section 3, I analyse UKIP's constitution, manifestos and some of Farage's remarks, including social media. In Section 4, by comparing this with UKIP's manifesto before Farage, can show how UKIP's nature was changed with analysis on surrounding domestic and European political factors. Section 5 will be about David Miller's liberal-nationalist concepts and Shoji's European Integration trilemma which itself was modelled after Dani Rodrik's globalisation paradox, and how UKIP under Farage could fit the "Democracy in One Country" model. Section 6, is about how Farage's model had attracted "people left behind" with supplementation of previous Takahashi's research on the rise of UKIP from political-sociological perspective. In the concluding part, Section 7, I am trying to provide some implications for how this model affected the decision of the Brexit referendum as well as its potential global effects.

著者

清水 靖久

出版者

九州大学大学院地球社会統合科学府

雑誌

地球社会統合科学 (ISSN:21894043)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.2, pp.1-20, 2017-12-10

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Maruyama Masao (1914 - 1996) famously expressed his political thought by "democracy as permanent revolution" in the addition to the third part of his book Thought and Behavior in Modern Japanese Politics(enlarged edition, 1964). Also, Maruyama made his "bet on the sham of postwar democracy" in the postscript of the same book. This article traces his thought of democracy during the postwar period and considers his idea of democracy as permanent revolution. After the end of World War II, Maruyama worried about democracy for more than a half year partly due to his skepticism about its contradictions. With the announcement of the drafted constitution in March 1946 , he converted to the principle of the sovereignty of the people, and wrote about the so-called democratic revolution of Japan. Since 1949 he was committed to the movement of the democratic camp, pursuing democratization of Japanese society and protesting against the conservative and reactionary forces. Around 1960 he talked about the paradox of democracy, for the government of the people was not natural as Rousseau thought. Shortly after the rise of the Anti-Anpo movement, he wrote in his notebook that not socialism, but democracy deserved the name of "permanent revolution" because of the paradox of the government of the people. Democracy had been the protest concept against the orthodox concept for Maruyama until 1960 . In 1964 , when he professed democracy as "permanent revolution," he kept such literary radicals in his mind as Tanigawa Gan, Yoshimoto Takaaki and their epigones. His idea of democracy as "permanent revolution" was to routinize the revolution as the process of everyday movement. Since then, he had never mentioned "democracy as permanent revolution" before the late 1980 s. Exceptionally, he disputed with students about "permanent revolution" of Trotsky at the University of Tokyo Struggles in 1969 .

著者

財前 裕一

出版者

九州大学大学院地球社会統合科学府

雑誌

地球社会統合科学研究

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.45-57, 2017-09-25

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China's claims of territorial rights over the entire South China Sea are based on the nine-dash line. At the same time, Taiwan draws on the same doctrine to assert sovereignty over the same stretch of water. Both countries have secondary sovereignty rights, which includes ownership of territorial sea baselines and islands in the South China Sea, while sharing their profits. However, China and Taiwan both claim their status as "the traditional China" should afford them primary sovereignty rights. This thesis will aim to shed light on how primary and secondary sovereignty have developed in the South China Sea through Sino-Taiwanese relations, particularly cross-strait cooperation. We analyzed a "report" (houkokusho) published by the National Chengchi University's (Taiwan) Institute of International Relations in collaboration with the National Institute for South China Sea Studies (China). The results showed that even non-political partnership has seen some progress, but collaborative efforts in general have not improved many critical areas. Specifically, it appears that cooperation over secondary sovereignty shared by both banks in the South China Sea does not work when in conflict with primary sovereignty claims in cross-strait relations.

著者

佐藤 廉也

出版者

九州大学大学院地球社会統合科学府

雑誌

地球社会統合科学 : 九州大学大学院地球社会統合科学府紀要 : bulletin of the Graduate School of Integrated Sciences for Global Society, Kyushu University (ISSN:13411659)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.1, pp.1-28, 2014

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エチオピア南西部の森林地帯に棲み、焼畑・蜂蜜採集・狩猟を主生業とするマジャンギルと植物との関係について、植物の利用と認知の両面から記述し、考察をおこなった。マジャンギル居住域および生業活動領域に生育する植物(栽培種38種、野生種269種)を採集し、野生種については標本を前にした聞き取りによって植物の方名、分類、生育地、利用(食料・飲料、建材・囲い、衣料・装飾、儀礼、薬、楽器・遊具、燃料、生業・生活道具、蜜源、間接的利用)に関する情報を得た。マジャンギルは方名を持つ野生種の65.4%を有用植物として認知していた。植物が生育する森林タイプ別に見ると、成熟林、長期休閑林、短期休閑林の順に有用と認識する植物の比率は高く、彼らの森における生業と植物の利用・認知との深い関わりが示唆された。In this paper, I described plant uses and related knowledge among the Majangir, who live in the forest located in Southwestern Ethiopia and have been engaged in swidden agriculture, honey collecting and hunting, to discuss on human-plant relationships in the densely forested habitat. I collected 38 domesticated plant species and 269 wild species found in their habitat and asked people about local names, classification, vegetation in which they are found and utility of wild species in front of specimens. As a result, I showed they recognize 65.4% of wild species as useful plants. They regard 87.5% of wild species found in primary forest, 86.8% in long-fallow forest, and 76.6% in short-fallow vegetation as useful. This may show that the depth of their knowledge on plants is related to the extent of importance of its habitat in terms of their subsistence activities.