著者
前田 孝和 Maeda Takakazu
出版者
神奈川大学日本常民文化研究所 非文字資料研究センター
雑誌
年報非文字資料研究 (ISSN:18839169)
巻号頁・発行日
no.11, pp.1-36, 2015-03

The main objective of this paper is to discuss the history of shrines in Karafuto based on materials from the pre-Russo-Japanese War period before Japan took over southern Karafuto. A comparison of shrines in Karafuto and other areas found three major characteristics of Karafuto. First, religious activities were allowed in the name of religious freedom between the invasion of the Soviet military and the repatriation of Japanese people. Second, Japanese made up a large majority of the population. Third, deities that people worshiped were diverse. From the second half of the Edo period, shrines‒mainly those enshrining Benten or a goddess of water and fortune‒started to be built in Karafuto. Japanese there engaged in religious activities even when Karafuto was inhabited by both Japanese and Russians from the end of the Edo period to the beginning of the Meiji period. It was confirmed that these shrines existed until the middle of the Russian occupation from 1875 to 1902. After southern Karafuto became Japanese territory as a result of the countryʼs victory in the Russo-Japanese War, many Japanese moved there and built new shrines. The vast majority of the population in Karafuto was Japanese, and shrines were built according to religious practices in mainland Japan. Therefore, shrines in the region have a historical background different from that of other overseas shrines in a narrow definition. It is unique that Japanese people in Karafuto were allowed to be involved in religious activities during the one and a half years between the Soviet invasion in August 1945 and the second repatriation of Japanese in January 1947. 279 shrines including those under the supervision of the colonial government of Karafuto and others managed by local communities were places of worship for Japanese in the area, despite differences in size and rank. Karafuto Shrine-a Japanese government-sponsored great shrine established in 1910 with construction completed on August 22, 1911‒was run by the national government but had strong commonalities with those established by local people. When comparing shrines and temples in terms of numbers of structures and monks, we realize that temples were far more powerful and influential. After Japanʼs defeat in World War II, shrines disappeared from Karafuto. They were founded for Japanese and thus perished when they left the region. In this paper, the history of shrines in the Northern Territories will be introduced based on materials from the Edo period. These materials indicate that no shrine in the territories was recognized by the Japanese government, and that local Japanese strived to have their shrines recognized.論文
著者
姚 琼 Yao Qiong
出版者
神奈川大学日本常民文化研究所 非文字資料研究センター
雑誌
年報非文字資料研究 (ISSN:18839169)
巻号頁・発行日
no.10, pp.477-496, 2014-03

In ancient times when medical technology was not developed, rituals to drive away illness must have been an expression of peopleʼs fear of it. Thousands of years ago, people were totally helpless against illness. Therefore, it was quite common to turn to the power of God not only in Japan but also in China and Korea. Regular worship of God, who was believed to ward off illness, represented peopleʼs wish to keep diseases away. Nowadays, however, with advanced medical technology, when one suffers from infectious diseases including influenza, one goes to a clinic or hospital and draws on the power of scientific medical technology rather than pray to God. Nevertheless, rituals to drive away illness ― the only hope for overcoming illness thousands of years ago ― are still observed throughout Japan, even though technology is available in almost every field. Japanʼs rapid economic growth in the mid 20th century significantly affected its traditional folk culture. Rituals to chase away illness have been preserved as a form of the culture, but the makeup of organizers of the rituals, the elements of driving away diseases and the significance of those rites for people who would pass down the folk custom to the next generation have changed considerably over time. This paper will focus on the Ja mo Ka mo Festival, which has its origin in Susanoo Mythology and has been held in Namamugi, Tsurumi Ward, in Yokohama City, Kanagawa Prefecture, in examining changes in rituals to ward away illness and their significance in modern Japanese society.論文
著者
孫 安石 Son Ansuk
出版者
神奈川大学日本常民文化研究所 非文字資料研究センター
雑誌
年報非文字資料研究 (ISSN:18839169)
巻号頁・発行日
no.10, pp.41-63, 2014-03

This paper will take a close look at the Shanghai News, which was first published in 1890 in Shanghai, in reference to the history of media. The background of the launch and unique features of its layout will be introduced, followed by the paperʼs view on Japan-China relations manifested in its editorial columns. The bilateral relationship will be discussed in terms of the following four aspects : 1. The launch of the newspaper, a typographical printing house and publication registration with the Japanese Consulate General in Shanghai ; 2. The Shanghai News and the issue of Japanese mistresses of Western men ; 3. The paperʼs view on Japanʼs promoting and leading Sino-Japanese trade ; and 4. Theory on Chinese merchants by the Shanghai News. Moreover, the significance of the paperʼs information network in understanding the relationship between Shanghai and Japan at the end of the Qing Period will be examined based on readersʼ comments and introductory articles regarding Chinese cities and towns. Japanese newspapers published in Shanghai survived into the Taisho and Showa periods. Even though they provide valuable insight into the early modern and modern history of the two countries, they have not been fully investigated. The author will further study and discuss the history of such papers in the Meiji, Taisho and Showa periods.共同研究東アジアの租界とメディア空間
著者
山口 建治 Yamaguchi Kenji
出版者
神奈川大学日本常民文化研究所 非文字資料研究センター
雑誌
年報非文字資料研究 (ISSN:18839169)
巻号頁・発行日
no.10, pp.217-232, 2014-03

The author has been claiming that worship of the demon of pestilence and related folk rituals developed in the 6th or 7th century among ordinary Chinese people and were introduced to Japan, giving rise to the word 鬼(oni). Based on this theory, the author published a paper titled "Formation of the Demon of Pestilence and its Influence in Japan" in the previous issue. It concluded that the ancient worship of onryo (grudge-bearing spirits) and goryo(evil spirits) in Japan was a variation of the original Chinese version. In this paper, how the concept of the demon of pestilence was formed between the Northern and Southern Dynasties and the Tang Dynasty will be specifically traced back, in light of Daoism and the Buddhist scriptures. Moreover, this paper will examine how the origin of the concept relates to the word goryo written for the first time ever in two works by Japanese Buddhist monk Saichō ― Chōkō Konkōmyōkyō Eshiki 『長講金光明経会式』(A program for a Long Recitation of the Sutra of Golden Light) and Chōkō Ninnō Hannyakyō Eshiki 『長講仁王若経会式』(A program for a Long Recitation of the Benevolent King Sutra).論文
著者
山口 建治 Yamaguchi Kenji
出版者
神奈川大学日本常民文化研究所 非文字資料研究センター
雑誌
年報非文字資料研究 (ISSN:18839169)
巻号頁・発行日
no.9, pp.1-18, 2013-03

The Chinese character 鬼 came to be read "oni" in Japan when worship of the five chief demons of pestilence, 五瘟神, symbolizing the spirits of five people who died tragic deaths that came to be venerated as a guardian spirit to protect people from misfortune and harm like plagues, was introduced to Japan from China around the 8th century. The Chinese 瘟, "uən" changed to "oni" in Japan. Based on this theory, this paper will look at the relationship between Japanese ogres and two mythological spirits ― onryo(grudgebearing spirits) and goryo(evil spirits) ―both of which became known between the 8th and 9th centuries with reference to materials from the Heian Period. First, how the concept of the five chief demons of pestilence was formed amid the development of a folk ritual to drive away devils and diseases will be introduced. Second, the following five pieces of evidence that suggest that the demons were brought from China to Japan will be discussed in detail. (1) According to the dictionary compiled in the Heian Period titled Wamyosho, 瘧鬼 (gyakuki) was defined as "the spirit or ogre of pestilence," whereas it was 瘟鬼 in the original. (2) In Manyoshu, or The Collection of Ten Thousand Leaves, the 鬼 that appears in a foreword written in Chinese seems to refer to the spirit of pestilence. (3) Ogres mentioned in Nihon Ryoiki, or The Miraculous Stories from the Japanese Buddhist Tradition, are either 疫神 or 疫鬼, meaning the spirit or ogre of pestilence, which are other names for 瘟神 or 瘟鬼 respectively. (4) A ritual to drive away the spirit of pestilence that often took place in the 8th and 9th centuries was actually meant for 怨霊( grudge-bearing spirits). These characters were read "oni ryau," and the word was a synonym of "oni." (5) 御霊社 was originally written 五霊社, which meant "a shrine to worship the five chief demons of pestilence from China." From these proofs, it has been concluded that the ritual for onryo and goryo in the Heian Period was to worship oni and that it was a variation of the original Chinese version.論文
著者
譚 静 Tan Jing
出版者
神奈川大学日本常民文化研究所 非文字資料研究センター
雑誌
年報非文字資料研究 (ISSN:18839169)
巻号頁・発行日
no.10, pp.439-458,図巻頭8-12, 2014-03

Yao is one of the 55 ethnic groups in China. It is widely distributed in the south part of China, for example, the Hunan province, Yunnan province, the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region, Guangdong province and the Southeast Asia (Thailand, Laos, Vietnam etc.)This article is emphasized on the Yao in Huangnigang Village, Lianhua Town, Gongcheng Yao Autonomous County, which is located in the northwest part of the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region neighboring the Hunan province. So far the Yao people in this region still inherit an ancient sacrificial offering the Youmian liturgies (還家願儀礼). The Clergy will put the scrolls which are painted with Gods in front of the Way-place in order to make an altar during the ceremony. He also requests the visit to the altar of the gods, and blesses the ceremony going smoothly. After the ceremony is completely finished, the Gods will be sent off, the scrolls will be taken off and the altar will be cleaned. In the introduction of Zhang Jingjing (Department of Social Anthropology, Tokyo Metropolitan University),the author participated in the KingPan Festival (盤王祭) activities in Huangnigang Village during 25th-27th November, 2012. For Huangnigang Village, this was the first time to hold the KingPan Festival (盤王祭), but in Gongcheng Yao Autonomous County, it was not the first time. According to the Mao Hanling (毛漢領) and LuYe (陸葉)ʼs research (毛漢領/陸葉, pp 104-108, 2011), after the Sanjiang Town organized the first KingPan Festival (盤王祭) in October 1985, Lianhua Town held the second one in October 1986. Moreover, in 1988 Shuibin Village, Guanyin Yao Autonomous Town held for the third time and after that, the village organized the KingPan Festival (盤王祭) every three years and consecutively held it for 4 years. The KingPan Festival (盤王祭) is a ritual which Yao people worship their ancestors "Pan hu" (盤瓠). According to the《Dissatisfied Gods · Origin of barbarians》(Gan Bao / Akira Takeda, pp 260, 1964), the KingPan Festival (盤王祭) is documented as "mixed the rice and fish soup and meat together, knocking bamboo tray worship the king.". However, the KingPan Festival (盤王祭) nowadays is quite different from the ancient literatures. In addition, another important purpose is to protect the ethnic culture and promote the economic development of the Yaoʼs region. Under these context, this article will use the KingPan Festival (盤王祭) of Huangnigang Village, Lianhua Town in Gongcheng Yao Autonomous County as an example to clarify the owner of the scrolls which have been used during the ceremony, the times of their creation, the making-process and the content of these paintings etc. With the help of this information, this article will discuss the profound meaning of using these ceremonial paintings.論文