著者

東村 岳史 Higashimura Takeshi

出版者

Graduate School of International Development, Nagoya University

雑誌

Forum of International Development Studies (ISSN:13413732)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, pp.87-101, 2007-03-20 (Released:2007-03-26)

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This essay attempts to analyze the relations between the Ainu and the Japanese by tracing the changing names given to the Ainu by the Japanese. The framework utilized here is the dynamic interaction between the naming side and the named. The Japanese named the Ainu Kyu-dojin, meaning former native, at the beginning of the Meiji Era. The Ainu hated to be identified as Kyu-dojin because of the term's other meanings, savage and uncivilized. Furthermore, the negative connotations associated with Kyu-dojin affected the word Ainu as well. The words Utari, originally an Ainu word meaning comrade, and Ainu-kei, meaning Japanese of Ainu lineage, were later used in order to avoid direct identification of the Ainu people. A typical example was the change of the Ainu peoples association's name from Ainu Kyokai to Utari Kyokai. A reawakening in pride for the original meaning of the word Ainu, human, has led some in the community to call themselves Ainu again. The name of the majority Japanese, i.e., Nihonjin, Wajin, or Shamo, who are usually insensitive to their own and the minority's names, should be questioned as well, in order to be conscious of their identity building in relation with others.

著者

張 玉玲 Zhang Yuling

出版者

Graduate School of International Development. Nagoya University

雑誌

Forum of International Development Studies (ISSN:13413732)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, pp.223-242, 2003-03 (Released:2006-03-28)

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This paper discusses the creation of Chinese culture in Japan through the historical development of“lion dance”among the Chinese community in Yokohama. The lion dance we see today, which is regarded as one of the traditional Chinese entertainments, was started by Cantonese immigrants as a dance dedicated to the Guandi god. However, Chinese culture including the lion dance was suppressed in Japan during the WW II. Through a renaissance, the younger generation has molded their national identity while transcending the boundaries of their local culture. Since the 1960s, two graduate associations of local Chinese schools have taken major roles in the succession of the lion dance among the community, until it eventually became a cultural symbol of Chinese tradition in the 1980s. Through cultural exchange with overseas Chinese, especially in Southeast Asia since the 1990s, they identified themselves as local Chinese in Yokohama as well as a part of the global Chinese community. At the same time, the tensions between Chinese and Taiwanese in Yokohama have decreased. Chinese in Yokohama are currently creating their own culture, which has been referred to by Japanese as Chinese culture, and is named by themselves“Huaqiao wenhua”(overseas-Chinese culture). Thus the meaning of being Chinese in Japan itself is changing today. The historical transformation of cultural activities like the lion dance performed by Chinese in Yokohama represents its unique and dynamic nature.

著者

植田 晃次 Ueda Kozi

出版者

Graduate School of International Development. Nagoya University

雑誌

Forum of International Development Studies (ISSN:13413732)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, pp.163-178, 2004-03

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The D.P.R. of Korea abolished the use of Chinese characters in their orthography in 1949. After that, they have been using only Korean characters in their writing system. Chinese characters had not been taught in its educational system for a while. However Chinese character education started again in the 1950s. Two leaders of the nation emphasize the necessity of reading the materials published in the Republic of Korea and cultural heritage of their ancestors. But true purpose is not to learn Chinese characters themselves but to acquire more Korean words. In this paper, we deal with a textbook of “Hanmun(Chinese characters)” and the articles published in the 1990s, and analyze the actual conditions of Chinese character education in the D.P.R.K. It is considered that the whole curriculum functions as political and ideological education in the D.P.R.K.“Hanmun”can not be treated as an exception, too. But, the textbook and the materials show that the authors exert all possible efforts to make students learn Chinese characters in the limited curriculum, and teachers also do their best in daily classes. While the first purpose for them is to enrich Korean vocabulary of their students, they pay attention to various aspects of Chinese characters.

著者

前田 尚子 Maeda Naoko

出版者

Graduate School of International Development. Nagoya University

雑誌

Forum of International Development Studies (ISSN:13413732)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, pp.47-64, 2004-03

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It is frequently said that the Japanese people have not been able to establish positive relationships with other ethnic peoples while accepting the many differences that exist among peoples of different social and cultural backgrounds. On the basis of this view, a number of researchers have criticized Japan’s assimilative policy and the Japanese way of communicating, and have produced a brand of discourse that encourages individuals to know and respect the diversity between Japanese and other cultures.The intent of this paper is to critically examine, using the concept of Constructionism, the views of discourse dealing with heterogeneity. For that purpose, I examine how the concept of “the self”is argued within the discourse on heterogeneity, and how individuals’selves (realities) are constructed through the acceptance of this particular discussion. I will show that the current discourse on heterogeneity advises people to have such selfimages as to be themselves and to be conscious of their own characters, as well as to be relativistic and to respect others equally. These points of views on heterogeneity appear to be rationalized on the grounds that they attempt to harmonize these two specific types of self-image. In addition, I will point out the limitations of the current discourse on heterogeneity. The discussion itself cannot avoid the systemic way of thinking that allows individuals to pursue self-image to be themselves and conscious of their own characters while harmonizing the efforts to be relativistic and respectful of others equally,even though there is an assumption that people can attain the first of these self-images by themselves. The discussions concerning heterogeneity are in error since they include the assumption that individuals’complementary roles in their systems are a result of self-determination. Finally, I will describe the occurrence of two paradoxes that arise as a direct consequence of the inaccuracy of these assumptions. The more eagerly individuals pursue their authenticities by themselves, the more tightly they are bound to one of the complementary roles within their systems. Furthermore, the more strongly they emphasize the differences or boundaries between themselves and others, the more they fail to recognize that they themselves are the parties concerned in the construction of mutual selves(realities). As a final result, individuals develop an attitude called “the denial of coevalness”.

著者

東村 岳史 Higashimura Takeshi

出版者

Graduate School of International Development, Nagoya University

雑誌

Forum of International Development Studies (ISSN:13413732)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, pp.87-101, 2007-03-20

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This essay attempts to analyze the relations between the Ainu and the Japanese by tracing the changing names given to the Ainu by the Japanese. The framework utilized here is the dynamic interaction between the naming side and the named. The Japanese named the Ainu Kyu-dojin, meaning former native, at the beginning of the Meiji Era. The Ainu hated to be identified as Kyu-dojin because of the term's other meanings, savage and uncivilized. Furthermore, the negative connotations associated with Kyu-dojin affected the word Ainu as well. The words Utari, originally an Ainu word meaning comrade, and Ainu-kei, meaning Japanese of Ainu lineage, were later used in order to avoid direct identification of the Ainu people. A typical example was the change of the Ainu peoples association's name from Ainu Kyokai to Utari Kyokai. A reawakening in pride for the original meaning of the word Ainu, human, has led some in the community to call themselves Ainu again. The name of the majority Japanese, i.e., Nihonjin, Wajin, or Shamo, who are usually insensitive to their own and the minority's names, should be questioned as well, in order to be conscious of their identity building in relation with others.

著者

大杉 千恵子 Osugi Chieko

出版者

Graduate School of International Development. Nagoya University

雑誌

Forum of International Development Studies (ISSN:13413732)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, pp.177-200, 2003-03 (Released:2006-03-28)

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JOCV(Japan Overseas Cooperation Volunteers)are Japanese skilled young people who work abroad for assisting the people of the recipient countries. Dispatching the JOCV is one of the responsibilities of JICA(Japan International Cooperation Agency)that is the main organization implementing Japan’s ODA(Official Development Assistance). The recent growth and development of Japanese language education in Hungary have been remarkable. At this time it is worthwhile to examine the history of Japanese language education in Hungary and consider its present situation. In my observation, the historical development of the Japanese language education can be divided into three phases : I. Introduction, II. Early development, and III. Maturity. The period of introduction is from the 1920s to the late 1980s that is slightly before the termination of the Soviet influence. Interests in‘exotic’Japan was one of th e critical triggers for Japanese language learning in this period. During this time some of the people who later developed Japanese language education in Hungary appeared on the scene. After the compulsory study of Russian ended, Japanese language became popular among other foreign languages. During this period of early development(late 1980s-2000), many JOCV Japanese teachers came and the number of Japanese learners increased a great deal. Not only the numbers, but also the area of Japanese language education expanded to local cities. Japan’s ODA played a very important role in this large growth. Since the year 2001, the Japanese language education in Hungary entered a new mature phase. The establishment of the Hungarian Association of Japanese Teachers symbolizes the beginning of this new era. The number of Japanese language learners seems to have stabilized, and the Association is working on improvement of education quality. The JOCV Japanese teachers played an epoch-making role to develop the foundation of the Japanese education in Hungary. Hopefully the Japanese language education will contribute to multilingualism that is the key to harmonious co-existence of peoples.

著者

寺澤 宏美 TERAZAWA Hiromi

出版者

Graduate School of International Development, Nagoya University

雑誌

Forum of International Development Studies (ISSN:13413732)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, pp.203-219, 2007-08 (Released:2007-10-05)

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As a result of the revision of the Immigration Control Law in 1990, tens of thousands of the Japanese descendents (nikkeis) from South America, mainly from Brazil and Peru came to Japan as ‘dekasegi’ (migrant workers) labor force. Their intention was to ‘come, work, remit and return’, or work hard to save as much money as possible and return to their home country to have a better life. However, over the last 15 years, most of them continued to work in Japan and had families. The nikkeis are no longer considered ‘guests’ or ‘temporary labors’ in the cities where they live and have rights to enjoy administrative services. This essay focuses on the qualitative and quantitative changes in the information required by nikkeis with the lapse of time. Three case studies were conducted with Association of Nikkei & Japanese Abroad, Aichi International Association and Toyohashi City, Aichi Prefecture. The analysis of the changes in the topics of the consultation, and the number of the consulters show how nikkeis’ need have changed. The findings showed that nikkeis require more individualized and personal counseling.

著者

山形 英郎 Yamagata Hideo

出版者

Graduate School of International Development, Nagoya University

雑誌

Forum of International Development Studies (ISSN:13413732)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, pp.67-85, 2007-03-20 (Released:2007-03-26)

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The new idea of "responsibility to protect" (R2P) was advanced by the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty in 2001. It was innovated by the Commission to avoid the word of "humanitarian intervention" and put the debate on the intervention forward. It has obtained the popularity among scholars and diplomats since it was incorporated in 2005 World Summit Outcome adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations. R2P presupposes that sovereignty has dual responsibility, internally to protect citizens within the territory of a state and externally to be accountable for the commission and omission of the state. If the state is unwilling or unable to avert the large scale loss of human lives and the ethnic cleansing, the international community takes the residual responsibility to intervene into that state for the humanitarian purposes. However, R2P cannot always ensure the authorization of the Security Council, because of the exercise of the veto power by one of the permanent members. In the practice of the Council, the large scale of human lives and the ethinic cleansing do not always constitute "the threat to the peace" as a requirement for the action under Chapter VII of the UN Charter. The General Assembly can act to recommend collective measures under the Uniting for Peace resolution in a case where the Security Council is paralyzed by a veto. However the resolution cannot be used by the General Assembly to take military measures, because collective measures involving use of armed force are only available when the existence of the breach of the peace or act of aggression is determined. Therefore R2P does not legalize the humanitarian intervention which is otherwise illegal. R2P is just a play of words.