著者
松村 史紀 Fuminori MATSUMURA
出版者
宇都宮大学国際学部
雑誌
宇都宮大学国際学部研究論集 = Journal of the School of International Studies, Utsunomiya University (ISSN:13420364)
巻号頁・発行日
no.55, pp.75-96, 2023-02-01

The Soviet Union successfully launched its first artificial satellite on October 4th, 1957. This Sputnik incident has been remembered mainly as a shock for the United States because it immediately prompted Washington to emulate Moscow in space developments. In fact, however, the shock was not only for the U.S. but also for many other powers including China.The sputnik shock for China was initially reflected not by its space policy but by its earnest news reports. Both Chinese communists (Beijing) and nationalists (Taipei) were enthusiastic about press reports on the U.S.-Soviet rivalry in launching satellites as an effort to conduct propaganda strategies. Previous studies, however, focus more on Beijing's space developments that virtually started in the 1970s but less on China's propaganda or press reports in the late 1950s.This article aims to examine the Sputnik impact on China's newspapers by comparing press reports of the People's Daily owned by the Chinese Communist Party and those of the Central Daily News published by the Chinese Nationalist Party. The initial reports of the three major events consisted of the Sputnik-1 launching on October 4th, 1957, the Sputnik-2 launching on November 3rd and the first U.S. satellite (i.e., "Explorer-1") launching on January 31st, 1958. From these reports, two conclusions can be drawn.First, both parties exaggerated achievements attained by their Cold-War allies. Beijing tried to illustrate that the Sputnik launching proved high growth of a former developing state, the Soviet Union, in the scientific technological field as well as that the incident destabilized the consolidation of the Western bloc. By contrast, Taipei could not show that the U.S. restored its prestige as a leader of the free world until the latter successfully launched its first artificial satellite.Second, Chinese communists and nationalists similarly downplayed great feats achieved by their Cold-War adversaries. Whilst Beijing flouted the U.S. "Explorer-1" that was even smaller than the size of the Sputnik-1, Taipei claimed that Moscow managed to launch its satellites at the great sacrifice of citizens' ordinary life. Moreover, the latter even expected serious anti-communist movements to take place soon behind the iron curtain.
著者
中野 重伸
出版者
宇都宮大学国際学部
雑誌
宇都宮大学国際学部研究論集 (ISSN:13420364)
巻号頁・発行日
no.13, pp.59-86, 2002-03

Kant asserts that the incentive of pure practical reason is the feeling of respect for the moral law. This feeling is called the conciousness of duty. And the origin of duty is the human condition; that is, human beings belong to the sensible world and at the same time are a member of the intelligible world. In so far as he belongs to the sensible world, he acts according to the inclination i. e. feelings and desires but in so far as he is a member of the intelligible world, he acts by another incentive than inclination, i. e. the determination of will by the moral law. Such a condition of human beings Kant calls the Idea of personality. Being a person, the human being belongs to the intelligible world and the laws of this world determine his will and must become the incentive of conduct. But how is it possible, that the determination of the will by the moral law becomes the incentive of human conduct? The reason of it is that human being is a member of the intelligible world, and the Gospel commands Love God above all. In this case the command : Love God means to do all duties willingly. But human being belongs to the sensible world as well, so he is determined by inclination and so it is impossible that he willingly obeys to the moral law. The moral law can arouse the feeling of respect only by negating inclination. Then how is it possible that the consciousness of duty makes possible the realisation of morality by negating inclination? Kant knows that we can not answer this question, but we must assert the moral-act as the fact of practical reason. In the other hand, Epicurians assert that a human being wants his happiness by nature, and so moral practice is a wise choice of conduct. And according to that theory of moral sense the moral practice itself is included in contents of happiness. Kant criticises these theories, which assert the connection between happiness and moral practice. But, I think this character is involved in the Kant's theory, when he asserts that the moral law is always the condition of human good and happiness. The happiness of human being mainly consists of satisfaction of inclinations but it needs the morality d. i. universal good as the condition of his happiness. Then according to Kant's theory also the universal good is presupposed in the every day practice of human life in the sensible world.
著者
片桐 雅義
出版者
宇都宮大学国際学部
雑誌
宇都宮大学国際学部研究論集 (ISSN:13420364)
巻号頁・発行日
no.13, pp.1-11, 2002-03

Illusory correlation is a phenomenon that people find relationship between two social events even if there is no real correlation. One event is usually the membership to a group and the other is a behavioral trait. Illusory correlation is thought to be a cause of prejudices and stereotypes. However there are various biases in judgments of interevent contingencies and probability estimation. Therefore a question would be raised concerning if illusory correlation is a social phenomenon. The author proposed that we should examine judgment biases in both social and non-social situations.
著者
渡邉 直樹
出版者
宇都宮大学国際学部
雑誌
宇都宮大学国際学部研究論集 (ISSN:13420364)
巻号頁・発行日
no.16, pp.125-137, 2003-10

Japanologen in Europa und USA betrachten die Meiji-Zeit in Japan, also die Zeit von der Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts bis zum Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts, als das Zeitalter der japanischen Aufklarung, und sie nennen als reprasentativen und typischen Vertreter dieser Zeit Yukichi Fukuzawa, der einen grossen Beitrag zur Modernisierung Japans geleistet hatte. Sein Hauptanliegen war, Japanern die europaische Wissenschaft anstatt des in Asien verbreiteten traditionellen Konfuzianismus naher zu bringen, der uber einen Zeitraum von etwa 250 Jahren, der sogenannten Zeit der Tokugawa, die Grundlage japanischer Denkart und Herrschaft gewesen war. Diese Modernisierung Japans versuchte er aus einer Geschichtsanschauung herzuleiten, die damals in Europa von der Ideologie des Imperialismus gepragt war. Das war die Geschichtsanschauung u. a. des Franzosen Guizot oder des Englanders Buckle, die geschichtliche Veranderungen und damit den Zivilisierungsprozess mit dem geistigen Fortschritt der Menschen identifizierten. Es war das Ziel von Fukuzawa, das damalige Japan so zu entwickeln und zivilisieren wie fortschrittliche "Westliche Lander", nicht nur auf sozialem, sondern auch auf geistigem Gebiet. Dazu schien es ihm unabdingbar, die Weltanschauung der Burger und die Gesellschaftstruktur Japans zu verandern. Fortschrittliche und zivilisierte "Westliche Lander" waren fur Fukuzawa zwar bis zu einem gewissen Grad nachahmenswerte Vorbilder, aber eine zu weit gehende Verwestlichung des Landes wollte er vermeiden. Wichtig erschien ihm der Ausbau der Beziehungen zwischen den europaischen Landern und Japan und versuchte besonders das Modell der freien Marktwirtschaft zu ubernehmen, das aber in Japan nur schwer mit der Moralitat des Konfuzianismus in Einklang zu bringen war. Er war kein Idealist, sondern ein Praktiker. Das war die ausschlaggebende Eigenschaft, die den Aufklarer Fukuzawa kennzeichnete. Gegenwartig werden die Verdienste Fukuzawas kontrar beurteilt: Die meisten Forscher in Europa und den USA schatzen den Aufklarer Fukuzawa positiv ein und stimmen darin uberein, dass er bei der Modernisierung Japans in der Meiji-Zeit eine entscheidende Rolle gespielt hatte. Demgegenuber gibt es in Japan kritische Stimmen gegen ihn, die ihm vorwerfen, an der Ideologisierung der Invasionskriege Japans in Asien maβgeblich beteiligt gewesen zu sein. Man konnte diese Vorwurfe auf die Tatsache reduzieren, dass Japaner den wahren Aufklarungsbegriff des Westens und das damit zusammenhangende Kausalitatsprinzip nicht richtig verstanden haben, das doch die Grundlage der wissenschaftlichen Denkart der Aufklarung gewesen war.