著者

早瀬 晋三

出版者

東南アジア学会/山川出版社

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1986, no.15, pp.63-89, 1986-05-20 (Released:2010-02-25)

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Abaca (Manila Hemp) became the most important cordage fiber in the mid-nineteenth century. The United States and the United Kingdom together took 70 to 90 percent of the total exports raw abaca, comprising 20 to 30 percent or more of the total value of exports from the Philippines until 1880. The Philippines came to enjoy a natural monopoly of abaca production. In the nineteenth century the Bikol region of southern Luzon was the main abaca producing center. However, the Bikol abaca planters did not succeed in becoming efficient enough to meet the demand of the modern world economy. The abaca producers in the Bikol region were, on the whole, too small-scale and too poor to become politically powerful, and gradually declined.Shortly after the United States assumed control of the Philippines in 1898, Americans became involved in the abaca industry and chose the Davao Gulf region of southeastern Mindanao as a prime producing center because of its ideal geographical and climatic conditions. However, American and European investment in the enterprise peaked in 1910 and then declined as a result of chronic shortage of labor and capital. On the other hand, the Japanese abaca planters in Davao were to prove the most efficient growers, succeeding where Europeans had failed. They were able to enjoy the benefits of favorable colonial legislation designed to protect the interests of the American cordage industry which was concerned to ensure a steady supply of cheap, high quality hemp from the Philippines.The abaca industry brought a measure of prosperity to Filipino abaca cultivators, strippers, and landowners. However, the abaca industry was controlled by the foreigners as planters, traders, and cordage manufacturers, who left no room for Filipinos to join them. Filipinos were dependent on the foreigners in their own lands. After the abaca industry faltered and virtually collapsed in the years between World War I and World War II in the Bikol region, and after World War II in the Davao Gulf region, the Filipinos were left on a level of poverty from which they have not recovered.

著者

弘末 雅士

出版者

東南アジア学会/山川出版社

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1981, no.10, pp.142-173, 1981-06-30 (Released:2010-03-16)

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At the end of the 19th century, the self-sufficient economy of the Eastern Toraja Society was disintegrating under the influence of commercial trade at Tomini Bay. Social stratification among the members of the village took place and many fell into debt.In this situation, the village chief had to redeem the villagers' debts and at the same time maintain law and order in the village despite frequent contact with the outside world. It was this period when Christian missionaries started to work. To respond to the above mentioned problems, the chiefs approached the missionary who was sent from Dutch Missionary Society and was on close terms with a Chinese merchant at Poso. In due course, missionary schools were opened at such villages as Panta, Tomasa, Buyumbayo, and othors. Headmen of the villages expected the schools to reconstruct the social order.In 1901, the Dutch government abandoned it's policy of non-intervention and after 1905-1907, Eastern Toraja was put under its direct rule. Various policies such as head tax, wet-rice cultivation and moving to the lowland were introduced through chiefs. It was these headmen who supported the Dutch rule. On matter of missionary work, the church as a result, did not dare to oppose the chiefs. At first, the missionaries did not prohibit the polygamy of the chief and other social custom with the exception of headhunting.Moreover, in these undertain situations tadu or prophets attracted many people who were dissatisfied with existing state of things. Then in 1902 and 1908, large religious movements called mevapi arose. The participants of the movements attempted to escape existing circumstances by concentration on heavenly release.While these religious movements arose, the young generation which had graduated from school attempted to participate in commercial trade and plant coffee or coconuts. Under the support of those who were on the rise, the church was entitled to recetive independent authority. Ultimately, in 1910 the church attacked the traditional customs which went against Christianity and prohibited Toraja christians from mowurake, molobo and motengke.But when the new order was established, the Dutch govermnent returned the authority, which was taken away form the headmen during the first few years, to the active hands. Consequently, It was difficult for church to gain independence over the headmen.

著者

白石 昌也

出版者

東南アジア学会/山川出版社

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1986, no.15, pp.28-62, 1986-05-20 (Released:2010-02-25)

参考文献数

46

被引用文献数

1

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In the first section, the author reviews decisions and draft plans made by the Japanese authorities from 1936 to 1940, with a special attention to the documents in September 1940. By so doing, he analyzes the policy makers' intentions and various internal and external conditions which determined the Japanese economic plan toward Indochina.The second section is a part of the discussion how the Japanese tried to carry out this plan. First, they started negotiations with the French in September 1940 and concluded economic agreements in May 1941, which enabled Japan to obtain necessary natural resources and to break the decades-long French monopoly system of Indochina's economy. Second, Japan sent a large-scale investigation team to gather first-hand information and establish future plans concerning the Indochinese economy.In the concluding section, the author emphasizes that the Japanese actual economic activities toward Indochina essentially aimed to obtain necessary resources and funds without paying enough returns. Japan did not and could not carry out many of future plans proposed by the above-mentioned research mission. In other words, Japanese actual investments tended to focus on commercial and transportation sectors and not to sufficiently go to mining and industrial sectors. This fact demonstrates that Japan concentrated her economic efforts on the mere acquisition of necessary resources which the French and Indochinese produced with their own finances and labours. At the same time, the Japanese tried to import goods from Indochina without spending foreign currency. For that purpose, however, the 1941 agreements turned out soon to be insufficient and, therefore, in January 1943, Japan introduced another financial arrangement. It is noteworthy that this new arrangement was not only applied to the liquidation of trades. It also functioned to be a system of loans in piastres which the Japanese staying in Indochina needed for their military and non-military purpose. With this system they could get huge amount of piastres without substantial returns. To conclude, those Japanese economic activities invited dreadful inflation in the Indochinese society.

著者

田淵 保雄

出版者

東南アジア学会/山川出版社

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1973, no.3, pp.82-96, 1973-11-12 (Released:2010-03-16)

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The charter which was given to the Dutch East India Company under the authority of the States General is, no doubt, one of the most prominent documents in the history of the Netherlands. The charter kept its, authority essentially unchanged for nearly 200 years. As Clive Day says in his Dutch in Java, the Company has no history in true sense of the word; its principles remained the same, and the basic idea of the Company continued to resist the course of time.Nevertheless, careful scrutiny will reveal noteworthy changes:1) A dispute between Director and Participants from 1620 to 1623 resulted in the success of the former, and in the apathy of the latter Directors brought their “despotic power” into effect.2) The Dutch East India Company came to power in Java, or to the, “upper landlord” through “Javanese Wars of Succession.” This, of course, produced structural changes in the Company system. The Company headquarter in the Netherlands was in no will to confirm these changes.3) The Company came to ruin after the Fourth Anglo-Dutch War. (1780-1784). The rise of Britain proved to be the fall of the Netherlands, leading to civil conflict in the Dutch homeland. The decline of the Company is one of the most fascinating phases of its life.There were considerable debates as to whether the Company should be built up or not. One of the founders, Johann van Oldenbarnevelt, said that people in the Netherlands opposed to an exclusive According to Klerk de Reus, the Company came into being in accordance with the “Demand of time.” The States General gave Company right to wage war and to negotiate with foreign petty princes, and made the Company its partner in accordance with the law of the Dutch Commonwealth. The States General put its will into effect as power, “sic volo, sic jubeo.”The articles of the Charter are briefly enumerated here: 1. Chambers, 2. Chambers and Gentlemen XVII, 3. Gentlemen XVII, 4. Power of Gentlemen XVII, 5. States General and Gentlemen XVII, 6. Term of Validity, 7. General Closing Account, 8. Investment, 9. Right of Participants, 10. Limitation of Investment, 11. Collection of Stock, 12. Rule of Seafaring, 13. Concerted Responsibility of Chambers, 14. Equipment and Return, 15 & 16. Right of Cities and States to Company, 17. Distribution of Profits, 18-23. Number of Directors, 24 & 25. Fixed Number of Directors, 26. Filling Vacant Directorship, 27. Director's Obligation of Oath, 28. Director's Obligation of Keeping the Stock, 29. Emoluments of Director, 30. Prohibitions Imposed on Director, 31 & 32. Director and the Central Money Safe, 33. Director's Right of Personnel Management, 34. Monopoly System, 35. Sovereign Power of Company, 36. Right of Admiralty Collegium, 37. Dealing with Cargo and Ship of Enemy, 38. Duty to Pay Import and Export Taxes, 39. Company's Right to Keep Weapons and Ammunition, 40. Scale, 41. Rule of Using Scale, 42. Director and His Limited Responsibility, 43 & 44. Right o Administration of Company and. Company's Obligation to Pay Chartered Money, 45. Obligation of Fleet Captain t Make Report to States General, 46. Obligation of People in the Netherlands to Observe Charter.

著者

小林 寧子

出版者

東南アジア学会/山川出版社

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1993, no.22, pp.95-121, 1993-06-01 (Released:2010-02-25)

参考文献数

29

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It has long been accepted in academic circles that after the first wave of Islamization in Java, Muslim society became rather stagnant until the rise of the Modern Islamic Movements at the beginning of this century. Such a view overlooks the dynamism of Islam, and has contributed to creating the image of a “superficially Islamized Java”. However, if we look into this problem from another aspect, namely language, we can find a new dimension and it will show how deeply Javanese society has in fact been Islamized.The Arabic Language forms the basis for Islamic concepts. In the development of Islam Arabic words were borrowed by many Asian and African languages. Javanese also contains a plenty of Arabic words with certain phonetical changes. These Arabic loan words carry Islamic messages and influence the way Javanese think. Nowadays in daily conversation the fact of using Arabic loan words is almost unnoticed since such words are so deeply rooted in modern Javanese and so commonly used.Historically speaking by the beginning of 19th century Javanese had already contained many Arabic words. For examble, in Yasadipura I's Serat Cabolek which reflects the Javanese intellectual standard of the time, we find more than 150 Arabic loan words, which are used not only as religious and ethical terms but also scientific and legal ones.Furthermore, from the Arabic loan words that appear in Raffle's lexicon of the Javanese language, based on his stay in Java during the years 1811-1816, we recognize a great change taking place in Javanese religious life. First, time concepts are expressed by Arabic words, meaning that their daily life was organized around Muslim pious duties and festivals. Secondly, it became more important to record, and also more socially respectable to have “knowledge” or to become a learned man. Thirdly, Islamic law was applied and disputes were judged based on it. Moreover, Javanese values were manifested in Arabic loan words. It can safely be said that by this time Javanese life was deeply influenced by Islam.In the late years of the last century, a Dutch Orientalist, Juynboll, collected Arabic loan words in Javanese. From his list we can add more terms to those found in the work of Yasadipra I concerning religion, ethics, psychology, science, law, and society.How these words came into the Javanese language is somewhat of an enigma, since Java had never been colonized by the Arabs and the number of Arab inhabitants in Java was so very limited. We should give notice to the fact that most of those Arabic words carry rather abstract meanings and do not express concrete things. This means that these words were learned as scholastic activities and spread from there throughout the rest of society.In this respect it is noteworthy that the traditional religious schools, like the langgar and pesantren were the source of Javanese knowledge until the end of the 19th century. In these schools kitab (religious books written in Arabic) were used, and the main subject was Islamic Law, followed by Islamic Theology. Islamic Law is designed to regulate the relationships between God and human beings, as well as also relationships among “the faithful”. Islamic Jurisprudence as taught in the kitab discusses interpretations and applications of the law. Islamic Theology concentrates on the problem of how human behaviour is recognized rationally, arguing human beings are responsible for their own conduct, so it requires normative terms. It is strongly suggested that Arabic words were first learned by santri (pupils of Islamic schools) and then carried to the rest of society.In the modern age Arabic loan words still form the core of the Javanese language, and without them the Javanese would be unable to express their thoughts. This is even more true with the Indonesian language and the Indonesians. A lot of new foreign words from Dutch and Eng

著者

横倉 雅幸

出版者

東南アジア学会/山川出版社

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1993, no.22, pp.152-172, 1993-06-01 (Released:2010-07-01)

参考文献数

55

著者

井口 由布

出版者

東南アジア学会/山川出版社

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2007, no.36, pp.100-118, 2008-03-31 (Released:2010-02-25)

参考文献数

32

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The purpose of my paper is to clarify that the plan of the foundation of the University of Malaya seeks implicitly how to create the productive and rational labor force for the future nation state. This study will mainly focus on the Report of the Commission on University Education in Malaya submitted in the end of the British colonial period, and examine how the institutionalization of the colonial knowledge is planned in terms of technology. I will analyze the report from the following two points. The first is the transplantation of the Western technology and the training of local technocrats. Although the University of Malaya is given name of university, it is planned for a vocational school to train local technocrats rather than to create the Western type intellectuals. The stresses on the faculty of medicine including hygiene and tropical medicines might also be related to the purpose to create and train the rational labors. The second point is the technology to solve the ethnic problem of Malaya that is regarded as the obstacle for modernization and national integration. The Report recommends to create not the department of Malayan studies but the three different departments to conduct research on the language, culture and the society of the three major ethnic groups of Malaya. It seems that the Report gropes for multicultural national integration and modernization in today's sense.

出版者

東南アジア学会/山川出版社

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1981, no.10, pp.192-199, 1981-06-30 (Released:2010-03-16)