著者
弘末 雅士
出版者
東南アジア学会
雑誌
東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1981, no.10, pp.142-173, 1981

At the end of the 19th century, the self-sufficient economy of the Eastern Toraja Society was disintegrating under the influence of commercial trade at Tomini Bay. Social stratification among the members of the village took place and many fell into debt.<br>In this situation, the village chief had to redeem the villagers' debts and at the same time maintain law and order in the village despite frequent contact with the outside world. It was this period when Christian missionaries started to work. To respond to the above mentioned problems, the chiefs approached the missionary who was sent from Dutch Missionary Society and was on close terms with a Chinese merchant at Poso. In due course, missionary schools were opened at such villages as Panta, Tomasa, Buyumbayo, and othors. Headmen of the villages expected the schools to reconstruct the social order.<br>In 1901, the Dutch government abandoned it's policy of non-intervention and after 1905-1907, Eastern Toraja was put under its direct rule. Various policies such as head tax, wet-rice cultivation and moving to the lowland were introduced through chiefs. It was these headmen who supported the Dutch rule. On matter of missionary work, the church as a result, did not dare to oppose the chiefs. At first, the missionaries did not prohibit the polygamy of the chief and other social custom with the exception of headhunting.<br>Moreover, in these undertain situations tadu or prophets attracted many people who were dissatisfied with existing state of things. Then in 1902 and 1908, large religious movements called mevapi arose. The participants of the movements attempted to escape existing circumstances by concentration on heavenly release.<br>While these religious movements arose, the young generation which had graduated from school attempted to participate in commercial trade and plant coffee or coconuts. Under the support of those who were on the rise, the church was entitled to recetive independent authority. Ultimately, in 1910 the church attacked the traditional customs which went against Christianity and prohibited Toraja christians from mowurake, molobo and motengke.<br>But when the new order was established, the Dutch govermnent returned the authority, which was taken away form the headmen during the first few years, to the active hands. Consequently, It was difficult for church to gain independence over the headmen.
著者
弘末 雅士
出版者
東南アジア学会/山川出版社
雑誌
東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1981, no.10, pp.142-173, 1981-06-30 (Released:2010-03-16)

At the end of the 19th century, the self-sufficient economy of the Eastern Toraja Society was disintegrating under the influence of commercial trade at Tomini Bay. Social stratification among the members of the village took place and many fell into debt.In this situation, the village chief had to redeem the villagers' debts and at the same time maintain law and order in the village despite frequent contact with the outside world. It was this period when Christian missionaries started to work. To respond to the above mentioned problems, the chiefs approached the missionary who was sent from Dutch Missionary Society and was on close terms with a Chinese merchant at Poso. In due course, missionary schools were opened at such villages as Panta, Tomasa, Buyumbayo, and othors. Headmen of the villages expected the schools to reconstruct the social order.In 1901, the Dutch government abandoned it's policy of non-intervention and after 1905-1907, Eastern Toraja was put under its direct rule. Various policies such as head tax, wet-rice cultivation and moving to the lowland were introduced through chiefs. It was these headmen who supported the Dutch rule. On matter of missionary work, the church as a result, did not dare to oppose the chiefs. At first, the missionaries did not prohibit the polygamy of the chief and other social custom with the exception of headhunting.Moreover, in these undertain situations tadu or prophets attracted many people who were dissatisfied with existing state of things. Then in 1902 and 1908, large religious movements called mevapi arose. The participants of the movements attempted to escape existing circumstances by concentration on heavenly release.While these religious movements arose, the young generation which had graduated from school attempted to participate in commercial trade and plant coffee or coconuts. Under the support of those who were on the rise, the church was entitled to recetive independent authority. Ultimately, in 1910 the church attacked the traditional customs which went against Christianity and prohibited Toraja christians from mowurake, molobo and motengke.But when the new order was established, the Dutch govermnent returned the authority, which was taken away form the headmen during the first few years, to the active hands. Consequently, It was difficult for church to gain independence over the headmen.
著者
早瀬 晋三 加藤 剛 吉川 利治 桃木 至朗 弘末 雅士 深見 純生 渡辺 佳成
出版者
大阪市立大学
雑誌
基盤研究(B)
巻号頁・発行日
1999

本研究では、つぎの3つの柱を中心に活動を進めた:1.日本における東南アジア史教育の現状と課題の把握、2.他分野・他地域との関連、3.外国史と自国史。それぞれ1年間の活動を目処におこない、3年目は平行して研究成果のとりまとめをおこなった。第1年度の「日本における東南アジア史教育の現状と課題の把握」では、長年東南アジア史研究・教育に従事してきた先達に、その経験から現状と課題を指摘してもらうと同時に、学生時代に戻って卒論・修論を書くなら、どのようなテーマを選び、どのような準備をするかなど、現在の学生の身になった具体的な論文構想を語ってもらった。また、近年各大学で取り上げられた東南アジア関係の卒論・修論のテーマを収集し、その傾向と問題点を探った。第2年度は、周辺領域分野・地域との関連で東南アジア史研究を考えた。東南アジア史研究に有効な関連分野の理論・手法を学ぶとともに、関連分野に東南アジア史研究で培った理論・手法がどのように活かせるかを考察した。関連分野の研究者との意見交換により、東南アジア史研究の幅を広げ、奥行きを深めることを目標とした。第3年度は、「自国史」と「外国史」の問題を考察した。具体的には、東南アジア各国の高校・大学で「自国史」として使用されている教科書やカリキュラムを検討した。また、各国を代表する歴史学研究者と意見交換した。以上、3年間の成果をふまえて、テキストづくりの作業が進んでいる。すでに、叩き台となるべき「フィリピン」の草稿ができている。また、この研究活動を通じて、テキストのほか、史料の目録・索引、史料の復刻、翻訳、モノグラフの刊行も必要であると感じた。その準備も着々と進められている。まずは、この研究の原成果ともいうべき、報告・報告要旨28篇をまとめて発行する。
著者
弘末 雅士 鈴木 信昭 唐沢 達之 貴堂 嘉之 高橋 秀樹 荷見 守義 石川 禎浩 清水 和裕 土田 映子 大石 高志 疇谷 憲洋 佐々木 洋子 遠藤 正之 久礼 克季
出版者
立教大学
雑誌
基盤研究(A)
巻号頁・発行日
2007

地中海世界・イスラーム世界・欧米・中南米・南アジア・東南アジア・東アジアにおける奴隷の歴史を比較検討することができ、地域相互間の奴隷取引や奴隷をめぐる観念の展開を広域的に解明できた。また移住者の広域ネットワークの形成に果たす役割とともに、移住先の社会の秩序構築に積極的に関わったことが明らかとなった。そうした移住者を迎えた現地人妻妾のアジアにおける事例が比較検討され、彼女らやその子孫が、前近代において商業活動や港市の社会統合に重要な役割を担ったことが解明された。さらに近現代社会における新たな仲介者や媒体の存在に注目する必要性を認識した。
著者
内田 九州男 竹川 郁雄 寺内 浩 山川 広司 加藤 好文 川岡 勉 加藤 国安 小嶋 博巳 河合 真澄 関 哲行 弘末 雅士 稲田 道彦 大稔 哲也 野崎 賢也 伊地知 紀子 松原 弘宣 西 耕生 田村 憲治 神楽岡 幼子 黒木 幹夫 菅谷 成子 若江 賢三 藤田 勝久 高橋 弘臣 吉田 正広 木下 卓 矢澤 知行 岡村 茂 石川 重雄
出版者
愛媛大学
雑誌
基盤研究(B)
巻号頁・発行日
2007

シンポジウム・研究集会を3年開き31本の報告を実現、各発表は報告書に掲載した。巡礼の諸相の解明では、日本の四国遍路、熊野参詣、西国巡礼、海外では10巡礼地を調査し、キリスト教世界(古代東部地中海、中世ヨーロッパ、スペイン中近世、イギリス中世・現代)、古代ギリシア、アジア(中国中世、韓国現代、モンゴル中世、エジプト中世、ジャワ中世)の巡礼で実施。国際比較では、日本の巡礼とキリスト教巡礼での共通性は中近世では来世での霊的救済と現世利益の実現を願うことであることを示した。
著者
弘末 雅士
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.99, no.1, pp.37-76, 153-154, 1990-01-20

This article attempts to investigate the role of the prophet in the Batak millenarian movement against the European colonial order. During the latter part of the 19th century, the Toba Batak area in north Sumatra was exposed to European influence, and both Christianization by German missionaries and colonization by the Dutch began to undermine the Toba Batak, social order. The traditional symbol of power, Si Singa Mangaraja, was defeated by the Dutch colonial army. Millenarian expectations began after the Batak people were forced to recognize the superiority of European power, yet were in many cases not satisfied with the new colonial order. The dilemma was solved when Guru Somalaing, a datu (magician), had a revelation from Jehovah to preach traditional Batak codes in order to become malim (pure). He established the Parmalim (One Who Endeavours To Be Pure) movement in 1890, claiming to be able to gain access to the source of European power while retaining the essence of Toba Batak values. Just after his revelation, Somalaing encountered an Italian traveler. The people who were impressed by European colonial power were longing for a different type of European who would share that power with them. The Italian during his stay in Toba was often regarded as a delegate of Raja Rum, who the Batak believed was a holy king in the outside world. Somalaing, convinced that he shared the power of Jehovah, now developed his expectations into a belief that Raja Rum would assist him in dealing with the Dutch. Somalaing's idea was accepted among the people of the north-eastern part of Toba, who were newly under European influence, but still maintained their traditional value system. The Parmalim movement was an endeavour to maintain their traditional social order under the new source of power. In their Parmalim ceremonies they prayed to Jehovah, Maria, Jesus and Raja Rum in the same manner as had been done in traditional religious ceremonies, when people had wanted to ask Si Singa Mangaraja or Batak deities for help. As the Dutch intensified colonial influence over the area, Parmalim followers began to believe that German missionaries working in the ara were really Batak divine kings and that someday these kings and Raja Rum would drive the Dutch away. The evidence of the Batak millenarian movement suggests that the main task of the millenarian leader is to show what the real source of power was and how to gain access to it. Previous explanations which have emphasized prophets' magical abilites, such as communication with supernatural powers, healing or divination, are only partial explanations.