著者
松永 典子
出版者
東南アジア学会/山川出版社
雑誌
東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1998, no.27, pp.73-96, 1998-06-01 (Released:2010-02-25)
参考文献数
42

It has been pointed out that there are some crucial differences about the nature of the Japanese language education in the Japanese territories of Southeast Asia. It, however, is difficult for us to recognize the differences because “assimilation policy” and “kominka policy” have been interpreted imprecisely.The aim of this paper is to compare and contrast the case in Malaya with that in the other territories of Southeast Asia on the Japanese language education under the Japanese occupation (1941-45) and direct our attention to the case in Malaya within the framework of the history of Japanese language education.In the early period Military Administration of the Japanese occupation, the Gunseikambu (Military Administration) attached a great deal of importanceto primary education as a means of popularizing the Japanese language. In the middle period Military Administration, however, it shifted the emphasis to the Japanese teaching coordinated with the spiritual training of Rensei Kyoiku. In the late period Military Administration, it emphasized more on strengthening Japanese language education and primary education.But at the final stage of the late period, the Gunseikambu shifted to relaxing its language policy, because the policy that instructors employed only Japanese as a teaching language was implemented too soon, so that it failed.For the reasons stated above, the Gunseikambu played a minimal role in the education policy, particularly during the initial and middle periods of the Japanese occupation. We can confirm that the Japanese language education policy in Malaya during the late period was more directly influenced by the Japanese language education policy of the Japanese government than that in the other Japanese territories of Southeast Asia.This policy in Malaya, however, was entirely based on the kokugo (national language) ideology, and the same teaching methodology used to teach in Japan and the Japanese colonies was employed in Malaya. Therefore, we can say that the Japanese language education policy in Malaya was ideologically a copy of the internal Japanese language education policy itself in some school, and it was most influenced by the kokugo ideology in the Japanese territories of Southeast Asia. But it eventually failed in Malaya because Japanese was not a Malayan common language nor the kokugo Malayans. In this sense, the nature of the Japanese language education in Malaya was different from that in the Japanese colonies.
著者
井東 猛
出版者
Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies
雑誌
東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1985, no.14, pp.44-66, 1985-06-01 (Released:2010-02-25)

In the study of Islamization, main interest of research has centred upon the questions as to when Islam came, from where and by whom it was brought to the region, and upon particular Islamic mystical teachings. Studies of these problems in the last one century have certainly presented us with new findings related to the Islamization of Southeast Asia in general. However, this does not mean at all that the question of the Islamization of the region has conclusively been solved. In fact, little is known about the establishing process of the Islamization or the position of Islam in various Islamic states in the region.The overall, establishing process of the Islamization may be studied from two view-points, apart from those mentioned above. One concerns the acceptance in indigenous society or state of Islam as religion and creed, and the role played by the rulers or state in its acceptance. The other is the acceptance of Islamic Law in the existing legal system, or the Islamization of the legal system of a given state.This paper aims to look at the administration of law and justice in seventeenth century Aceh as a case study of the establishing process of the Islamization from the latter point of view. As necessary background information for a better understanding of the present theme, the following may be noted.It is known that Bandar Aceh, the capital of the Sultanate of Aceh, presented the appearance of one of the major centres of Islamic studies in the Malayo-Indonesian world from the last quarter of the sixteenth century onwards. As a result of this, by the end of the century, at the latest, Islamic Law had become an established force, and consequently the prescriptions of Islamic Law had begun to exert their influence on the Acehnese, particulary on those in the capital. As for the relationship between Islam and the state, the Acehnese rulers used Islam to assert their ritual authority and supremacy. Just as Islam helped the rulers, the rulers also helped Islam by raising it to the position of a state religion, by supporting its institutions and by raising the clergy to influential positions.The present theme is divided into three. Section I takes up the legal system of the Sultanate. Section II examines various cases and punishment, both ‘criminal’ and ‘civil’ in nature. Section III looks at the royal edict of 1726 which offers how the Acehnese of the eighteenth century regarded the administration of law and justice in the seventeenth century.As a result of research, it can be concluded that Islamic Law exerted considerable influence upon the administration of law and justice through the efforts and influence of the senior religious figures of the realm, who were the rulers' religious and spiritual preceptors. This was particularly true for Acehnese social and family life in the urban area of the capital. The implementation of Islamic Law can be easily observed in a number of actual cases. In fact, the ruler as head of an Islamic state, and Islam as both creed source of law were inseparably linked, the ruler playing a central part in the judicature. Nevertheless, the Islamic legal system as such occupied a secondary position in the overall legal system of the Sultanate. The will, and often whim, of the sovereign was, in effect, the prime and ultimate law of the Sultanate, and administrative practices based on such precedents, i. e. the will of ruler, came in time to be regarded as ‘adat’ in the eyes of the Acehnese of the capital, ‘adat’ as ruler-made unwritten law and not traditional customary law and practice which have been defined as adat law by Dutch legal scholars. Furthermore, the degree of the rulers as law-givers and of the enforcement of Islamic Law largely depended on their political authority and religious conviction. As for the Kadi Malik al-'Adil as the representaive of the rulers, this position may perhaps best be seen as the head of the leg
著者
合地 幸子
出版者
東南アジア学会
雑誌
東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2015, no.44, pp.101-119, 2015 (Released:2017-06-01)
参考文献数
49

This study aims to discuss the possibility of pramurukti as one form of support for elderly people through the process of training pramurukti, who are occupational caregivers, in urban Yogyakarta, Indonesia. The pramurukti are the people who care mainly for elderly people. By Indonesian standards, no designation has been formed for the occupational group that provides elderly care. In this paper, I consider the positioning of pramurukti in Yogyakarta and the possibility for future Indonesia. In 1980, a private Yogyakarta hospital started pramurukti training. The elderly people who suffered from illness sought care service by pramurukti at the time when care needs increased. However, the pramurukti have not been able to support the needs of the elderly and their families. As a factor, there is an inconsistency between the elderly and pramurukti related to the operation of duties and contents of the work. Households which had elderly people in acute phases of illness or at end- of- life used services only when it was necessary, and pramurukti worked according to their desire. In contrast, households that had elderly in long-term care regarded pramurukti who learned the knowledge of nursing care as the people who helped with the IADL (instrumental activities of daily living) of elderly people. The pramurukti plays a role to bridge the gap for elderly people who are managed under medical care and nursing in the medical domain by providing knowledge to families in traditional elderly care through care work. I argue that pramurukti have a possibility to become collaborators with the family in the realm of household as one of the forms of support for the aging society. However, the pramurukti have a marginal presence in medicine and welfare. The occupational caregivers called pramurukti might be firmly established through a training system. However, the social recognition is still insufficient. For future Indonesia, “those who accompany the elderly,” such as pramurukti, have a major role to consider the realm of household for which there is lack of policy. It would be important to note individual conditions to affect the labor form of the caregiver. It is necessary to pay attention to the role of the caregiver in social changes of Indonesia.
著者
斎藤 紋子
出版者
東南アジア学会
雑誌
東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2012, no.41, pp.5-29, 2012 (Released:2016-12-14)
参考文献数
36

This study considers the formation of the concept of ‘Bamar Muslims’ by examining the description in history books written by them and the political and social background of the 1930s. ‘Bamar Muslims’ are self−styled individuals having Islamic faith; they are conscious indigenous citizens and respect Myanmar customs. It is maintained that approximately 89% of the entire population of Myanmar is Buddhist, with 98% of the Burmese ethnic group following Buddhism. It is quite common that the term “Bamar” includes a religious implication, namely Buddhism, although it is occasionally used to refer to the Burmese “ethnic group” only. The concept of “Bamar” ethnicity, which includes both ethnic grouping and religious belief, is widespread throughout Myanmar society. In British Burma, there was an influx of Indian immigrants in the mid−19th century because of the new administrative system and economic development during the British colonial rule. Muslims currently living in Myanmar, including ‘Bamar Muslims’, are mostly descendants of Indian immigrants who migrated prior to, or during, the British colonial period. Most of these immigrants gained citizenship through naturalization and appeared to be integrated into the nation state. The claim of Bamar Muslims appeared during the British colonial period. Bamar Muslims wrote some books on their history in the 1930s, emphasizing that they are not Indians but ethnically Burmese. These history books describe their adoption of Burmese culture and customs, and good relationships between Bamar Muslims and the dynasties of Burma. In contrast, on the Census, they were categorized as ‘Zerbadi,’ whose father is Indian Muslim and mother is Burmese Buddhist. The Zerbadi community was recognised as the Indian Muslim community, and the Census reports show that Burmese people regarded Bamar Muslims as Indians or foreigners, not as Burmese. Moreover, in the 1930s, there was widespread discontent against Indians in Burmese society, so the Indians found the environment there uneasiness because of the social frustration directed at them. The voice of Bamar Muslims that they were indigenous Muslims and respected Myanmar’s culture first came to light during the 1920s and 1930s; this was a result of an interplay of various factors. The point of emphasis first appeared in history books written by Bamar Muslims themselves, in which they asserted their own identity. In addition, it is speculated that one of the reasons for the formation of the concept of ‘Bamar Muslims’ was the feeling of anxiety harboured by those who found themselves the targets of frustration and dissatisfaction, along with the feeling of disconnect between their self−consciousness and the way in which the surrounding society grouped and categorised them.
著者
早瀬 晋三
出版者
東南アジア学会/山川出版社
雑誌
東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1986, no.15, pp.63-89, 1986-05-20 (Released:2010-02-25)

Abaca (Manila Hemp) became the most important cordage fiber in the mid-nineteenth century. The United States and the United Kingdom together took 70 to 90 percent of the total exports raw abaca, comprising 20 to 30 percent or more of the total value of exports from the Philippines until 1880. The Philippines came to enjoy a natural monopoly of abaca production. In the nineteenth century the Bikol region of southern Luzon was the main abaca producing center. However, the Bikol abaca planters did not succeed in becoming efficient enough to meet the demand of the modern world economy. The abaca producers in the Bikol region were, on the whole, too small-scale and too poor to become politically powerful, and gradually declined.Shortly after the United States assumed control of the Philippines in 1898, Americans became involved in the abaca industry and chose the Davao Gulf region of southeastern Mindanao as a prime producing center because of its ideal geographical and climatic conditions. However, American and European investment in the enterprise peaked in 1910 and then declined as a result of chronic shortage of labor and capital. On the other hand, the Japanese abaca planters in Davao were to prove the most efficient growers, succeeding where Europeans had failed. They were able to enjoy the benefits of favorable colonial legislation designed to protect the interests of the American cordage industry which was concerned to ensure a steady supply of cheap, high quality hemp from the Philippines.The abaca industry brought a measure of prosperity to Filipino abaca cultivators, strippers, and landowners. However, the abaca industry was controlled by the foreigners as planters, traders, and cordage manufacturers, who left no room for Filipinos to join them. Filipinos were dependent on the foreigners in their own lands. After the abaca industry faltered and virtually collapsed in the years between World War I and World War II in the Bikol region, and after World War II in the Davao Gulf region, the Filipinos were left on a level of poverty from which they have not recovered.
著者
奥平 龍二
出版者
東南アジア学会
雑誌
東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2014, no.43, pp.69-86, 2014 (Released:2016-12-17)
参考文献数
42

Myanmar is a country where Theravāda Buddhism has been thriving since King Anawyahta, the founder of the Bagan unified dynasty introduced it from the Mon kingdom of Thaton in the latter part of the eleventh century. This Buddhism is generally known as the ‘monastic Buddhism’ which is principally focused on the monkhood. But it has also been permeating among the laity until the present day. We may regard the successive dynasties of Myanmar, which had introduced this Buddhism into the political sphere, as the ‘Theravāda Buddhist State’, which placed the dhamma (Law of Buddha) in the core position of the state structure. Therefore, the relationship between kingship or government (ānācakka) and religious authority (buddhacakka) has always been strained and the former has usually intervened and has been standing at predominance over the latter until today. Although the Theravāda Buddhist Polity collapsed with the fall of the Konbaung dynasty in the late nineteenth century due to the British colonial rule, it has been regenerated as a ‘sovereign independent state’ after independence under the Constitution of the Union of Myanma adopted in 1947. Even though once Myanmar inclined towards a ‘religious state’ during U Nu’s regime under the Constitution (Third Amendment) Act in 1961 because of his treatment of Buddhism as the state religion, the country was brought back to a secular state by its strict secularity under President U Ne Win’s policy of ‘the Burmese way to Socialism’ under the Constitution of the Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma (1974). It had principally continued until the end of the regimes of the military administration by both the Senior Generals Saw Maung and Than Shwe in March, 2011 when the new regime of President U Thein Sein began under the Constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (2008). This paper is an attempt to examine the characteristic of a modern Myanmar secular state, through further detailed analysis of its previous studies on the provisions of religious affairs and also a new approach to the preamble of the constitution (2008), comparing it with those of previous constitutions of 1947, its 1961 (Amendment) and 1974.
著者
弘末 雅士
出版者
東南アジア学会/山川出版社
雑誌
東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1981, no.10, pp.142-173, 1981-06-30 (Released:2010-03-16)

At the end of the 19th century, the self-sufficient economy of the Eastern Toraja Society was disintegrating under the influence of commercial trade at Tomini Bay. Social stratification among the members of the village took place and many fell into debt.In this situation, the village chief had to redeem the villagers' debts and at the same time maintain law and order in the village despite frequent contact with the outside world. It was this period when Christian missionaries started to work. To respond to the above mentioned problems, the chiefs approached the missionary who was sent from Dutch Missionary Society and was on close terms with a Chinese merchant at Poso. In due course, missionary schools were opened at such villages as Panta, Tomasa, Buyumbayo, and othors. Headmen of the villages expected the schools to reconstruct the social order.In 1901, the Dutch government abandoned it's policy of non-intervention and after 1905-1907, Eastern Toraja was put under its direct rule. Various policies such as head tax, wet-rice cultivation and moving to the lowland were introduced through chiefs. It was these headmen who supported the Dutch rule. On matter of missionary work, the church as a result, did not dare to oppose the chiefs. At first, the missionaries did not prohibit the polygamy of the chief and other social custom with the exception of headhunting.Moreover, in these undertain situations tadu or prophets attracted many people who were dissatisfied with existing state of things. Then in 1902 and 1908, large religious movements called mevapi arose. The participants of the movements attempted to escape existing circumstances by concentration on heavenly release.While these religious movements arose, the young generation which had graduated from school attempted to participate in commercial trade and plant coffee or coconuts. Under the support of those who were on the rise, the church was entitled to recetive independent authority. Ultimately, in 1910 the church attacked the traditional customs which went against Christianity and prohibited Toraja christians from mowurake, molobo and motengke.But when the new order was established, the Dutch govermnent returned the authority, which was taken away form the headmen during the first few years, to the active hands. Consequently, It was difficult for church to gain independence over the headmen.
著者
白石 昌也
出版者
東南アジア学会/山川出版社
雑誌
東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1986, no.15, pp.28-62, 1986-05-20 (Released:2010-02-25)
参考文献数
46

In the first section, the author reviews decisions and draft plans made by the Japanese authorities from 1936 to 1940, with a special attention to the documents in September 1940. By so doing, he analyzes the policy makers' intentions and various internal and external conditions which determined the Japanese economic plan toward Indochina.The second section is a part of the discussion how the Japanese tried to carry out this plan. First, they started negotiations with the French in September 1940 and concluded economic agreements in May 1941, which enabled Japan to obtain necessary natural resources and to break the decades-long French monopoly system of Indochina's economy. Second, Japan sent a large-scale investigation team to gather first-hand information and establish future plans concerning the Indochinese economy.In the concluding section, the author emphasizes that the Japanese actual economic activities toward Indochina essentially aimed to obtain necessary resources and funds without paying enough returns. Japan did not and could not carry out many of future plans proposed by the above-mentioned research mission. In other words, Japanese actual investments tended to focus on commercial and transportation sectors and not to sufficiently go to mining and industrial sectors. This fact demonstrates that Japan concentrated her economic efforts on the mere acquisition of necessary resources which the French and Indochinese produced with their own finances and labours. At the same time, the Japanese tried to import goods from Indochina without spending foreign currency. For that purpose, however, the 1941 agreements turned out soon to be insufficient and, therefore, in January 1943, Japan introduced another financial arrangement. It is noteworthy that this new arrangement was not only applied to the liquidation of trades. It also functioned to be a system of loans in piastres which the Japanese staying in Indochina needed for their military and non-military purpose. With this system they could get huge amount of piastres without substantial returns. To conclude, those Japanese economic activities invited dreadful inflation in the Indochinese society.
著者
押川 典昭
出版者
Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies
雑誌
東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:18837557)
巻号頁・発行日
no.23, pp.3-21, 1994

Daniel Defoe's novel <i>Robinson Crusoe</i> (1719), which tells how a castaway survived on a desert island and returned home after 28 years of solitude, as pedagogically recommended children's literature, the story of early capitalistic entrepreneur or the religious tale of how an impious man embraced the Christian faith, has been rewritten recurrently over 270 years by many authors in various ways. The Malay abridged version of Robinson Crusoe (hereafter abbreviated as MRC) is one part of the long and vast tradition of Robinson stories. This paper aims to examine how MRC was translated, what has been omitted or added, how it differs from Defoe's original text, in an attempt to provide a preliminary sketch on translated literature in colonial Indonesia, a subject that has been relatively neglected in the conventional study on the birth and development of modern literature in Southeast Asia.<br>MRC was translated from the Dutch text by A. F. Von Dewall (1834-1909), a Javaneseborn German philologist, and first published in Batavia in 1875. It can, therefore, be regarded as one of the earliest translations of European novels in Indonesia. The third edition of MRC appeared in 1882, the seventh came out in 1906, and an unknown Singapore edition was published in 1893. The Batavia and Singapore editions, 94 and 77 pages respectively, are the same except for the orthography. Judging from the book cover MRC seems to have been edited by the colonial government as reading material for students. This abridged edition follows Defoe's fundamental plots and settings, such as the shipwreck, Robinson's solitary life and hardship on a desert island, his adventures, fighting the savages, the master-servant relationship between Robinson and Friday, the escape and return to his homeland. But the style and some details of MRC are quite different from Defoe's text.<br>One of the most striking differences lies in MRC's narrative style. In contrast to Defoe's text, which is written in the first person, all the happenings, experiences and ideas in MRC are depicted in the third person, or told by the narrator, except for the conversations and monologues. This change of style occurs partly because MRC relies on a Dutch text, which is most likely based on J. H.Campe's German version, <i>Robinson der Jungere</i> (1779) written in the third person style. The more important reason, however, lies in the fact that MRC is written in the form of <i>hikayat</i>, the traditional narrative of the Malay world, which is unfamiliar with the first person style. And interestingly enough, if we eliminate the 'oral punctuation' from MRC's <i>hikayat</i> style, there will appear a very modern, or artificial, Malay language compared with colloquial Malay then prevailing in the newspapers and popular novels. Thus MRC is written in a blended form of traditional narrative style and modern Malay.<br>In its depiction of the character of Malay's Robinson too, MRC has some substantial differences. These occur because the main themes of Defoe's text, such as the philosophy of British middle-class life, inner conflict over the faith in Christ, or pertinent behavior of Robinson as the ideal type of emerging bourgeoisie, are almost totally left out of MRC. Here are mainly stressed the spirit of diligence, self-restraint and invention for surviving in more severe destitution than in Defoe's text.<br>MRC was most likely recited by school teachers to the class. The story of Robinson Crusoe in Malay, being deprived of the social, cultural and religious background of Defoe's text, and emphasizing pedagogical and ethical meanings, yet maintaining Robinson's supremacy over the island (colony) and Friday (native), was no doubt worthy of being introduced into the colonial society.
著者
田淵 保雄
出版者
東南アジア学会/山川出版社
雑誌
東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1973, no.3, pp.82-96, 1973-11-12 (Released:2010-03-16)

The charter which was given to the Dutch East India Company under the authority of the States General is, no doubt, one of the most prominent documents in the history of the Netherlands. The charter kept its, authority essentially unchanged for nearly 200 years. As Clive Day says in his Dutch in Java, the Company has no history in true sense of the word; its principles remained the same, and the basic idea of the Company continued to resist the course of time.Nevertheless, careful scrutiny will reveal noteworthy changes:1) A dispute between Director and Participants from 1620 to 1623 resulted in the success of the former, and in the apathy of the latter Directors brought their “despotic power” into effect.2) The Dutch East India Company came to power in Java, or to the, “upper landlord” through “Javanese Wars of Succession.” This, of course, produced structural changes in the Company system. The Company headquarter in the Netherlands was in no will to confirm these changes.3) The Company came to ruin after the Fourth Anglo-Dutch War. (1780-1784). The rise of Britain proved to be the fall of the Netherlands, leading to civil conflict in the Dutch homeland. The decline of the Company is one of the most fascinating phases of its life.There were considerable debates as to whether the Company should be built up or not. One of the founders, Johann van Oldenbarnevelt, said that people in the Netherlands opposed to an exclusive According to Klerk de Reus, the Company came into being in accordance with the “Demand of time.” The States General gave Company right to wage war and to negotiate with foreign petty princes, and made the Company its partner in accordance with the law of the Dutch Commonwealth. The States General put its will into effect as power, “sic volo, sic jubeo.”The articles of the Charter are briefly enumerated here: 1. Chambers, 2. Chambers and Gentlemen XVII, 3. Gentlemen XVII, 4. Power of Gentlemen XVII, 5. States General and Gentlemen XVII, 6. Term of Validity, 7. General Closing Account, 8. Investment, 9. Right of Participants, 10. Limitation of Investment, 11. Collection of Stock, 12. Rule of Seafaring, 13. Concerted Responsibility of Chambers, 14. Equipment and Return, 15 & 16. Right of Cities and States to Company, 17. Distribution of Profits, 18-23. Number of Directors, 24 & 25. Fixed Number of Directors, 26. Filling Vacant Directorship, 27. Director's Obligation of Oath, 28. Director's Obligation of Keeping the Stock, 29. Emoluments of Director, 30. Prohibitions Imposed on Director, 31 & 32. Director and the Central Money Safe, 33. Director's Right of Personnel Management, 34. Monopoly System, 35. Sovereign Power of Company, 36. Right of Admiralty Collegium, 37. Dealing with Cargo and Ship of Enemy, 38. Duty to Pay Import and Export Taxes, 39. Company's Right to Keep Weapons and Ammunition, 40. Scale, 41. Rule of Using Scale, 42. Director and His Limited Responsibility, 43 & 44. Right o Administration of Company and. Company's Obligation to Pay Chartered Money, 45. Obligation of Fleet Captain t Make Report to States General, 46. Obligation of People in the Netherlands to Observe Charter.
著者
小林 寧子
出版者
東南アジア学会/山川出版社
雑誌
東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1993, no.22, pp.95-121, 1993-06-01 (Released:2010-02-25)
参考文献数
29

It has long been accepted in academic circles that after the first wave of Islamization in Java, Muslim society became rather stagnant until the rise of the Modern Islamic Movements at the beginning of this century. Such a view overlooks the dynamism of Islam, and has contributed to creating the image of a “superficially Islamized Java”. However, if we look into this problem from another aspect, namely language, we can find a new dimension and it will show how deeply Javanese society has in fact been Islamized.The Arabic Language forms the basis for Islamic concepts. In the development of Islam Arabic words were borrowed by many Asian and African languages. Javanese also contains a plenty of Arabic words with certain phonetical changes. These Arabic loan words carry Islamic messages and influence the way Javanese think. Nowadays in daily conversation the fact of using Arabic loan words is almost unnoticed since such words are so deeply rooted in modern Javanese and so commonly used.Historically speaking by the beginning of 19th century Javanese had already contained many Arabic words. For examble, in Yasadipura I's Serat Cabolek which reflects the Javanese intellectual standard of the time, we find more than 150 Arabic loan words, which are used not only as religious and ethical terms but also scientific and legal ones.Furthermore, from the Arabic loan words that appear in Raffle's lexicon of the Javanese language, based on his stay in Java during the years 1811-1816, we recognize a great change taking place in Javanese religious life. First, time concepts are expressed by Arabic words, meaning that their daily life was organized around Muslim pious duties and festivals. Secondly, it became more important to record, and also more socially respectable to have “knowledge” or to become a learned man. Thirdly, Islamic law was applied and disputes were judged based on it. Moreover, Javanese values were manifested in Arabic loan words. It can safely be said that by this time Javanese life was deeply influenced by Islam.In the late years of the last century, a Dutch Orientalist, Juynboll, collected Arabic loan words in Javanese. From his list we can add more terms to those found in the work of Yasadipra I concerning religion, ethics, psychology, science, law, and society.How these words came into the Javanese language is somewhat of an enigma, since Java had never been colonized by the Arabs and the number of Arab inhabitants in Java was so very limited. We should give notice to the fact that most of those Arabic words carry rather abstract meanings and do not express concrete things. This means that these words were learned as scholastic activities and spread from there throughout the rest of society.In this respect it is noteworthy that the traditional religious schools, like the langgar and pesantren were the source of Javanese knowledge until the end of the 19th century. In these schools kitab (religious books written in Arabic) were used, and the main subject was Islamic Law, followed by Islamic Theology. Islamic Law is designed to regulate the relationships between God and human beings, as well as also relationships among “the faithful”. Islamic Jurisprudence as taught in the kitab discusses interpretations and applications of the law. Islamic Theology concentrates on the problem of how human behaviour is recognized rationally, arguing human beings are responsible for their own conduct, so it requires normative terms. It is strongly suggested that Arabic words were first learned by santri (pupils of Islamic schools) and then carried to the rest of society.In the modern age Arabic loan words still form the core of the Javanese language, and without them the Javanese would be unable to express their thoughts. This is even more true with the Indonesian language and the Indonesians. A lot of new foreign words from Dutch and Eng
著者
横倉 雅幸
出版者
東南アジア学会/山川出版社
雑誌
東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1993, no.22, pp.152-172, 1993-06-01 (Released:2010-07-01)
参考文献数
55
著者
井口 由布
出版者
東南アジア学会/山川出版社
雑誌
東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2007, no.36, pp.100-118, 2008-03-31 (Released:2010-02-25)
参考文献数
32

The purpose of my paper is to clarify that the plan of the foundation of the University of Malaya seeks implicitly how to create the productive and rational labor force for the future nation state. This study will mainly focus on the Report of the Commission on University Education in Malaya submitted in the end of the British colonial period, and examine how the institutionalization of the colonial knowledge is planned in terms of technology. I will analyze the report from the following two points. The first is the transplantation of the Western technology and the training of local technocrats. Although the University of Malaya is given name of university, it is planned for a vocational school to train local technocrats rather than to create the Western type intellectuals. The stresses on the faculty of medicine including hygiene and tropical medicines might also be related to the purpose to create and train the rational labors. The second point is the technology to solve the ethnic problem of Malaya that is regarded as the obstacle for modernization and national integration. The Report recommends to create not the department of Malayan studies but the three different departments to conduct research on the language, culture and the society of the three major ethnic groups of Malaya. It seems that the Report gropes for multicultural national integration and modernization in today's sense.