著者

中根 千枝

出版者

The Japan Academy

雑誌

日本學士院紀要 (ISSN:03880036)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.2, pp.65-89, 2002

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This essay presents my view on caste as derived from my long experience as an anthropologist in India, which dates back to 1953. My fieldwork has been directed at the Hindu family and village community, not necessarily at caste <i>per</i> <i>se</i>. Nevertheless, it was the working of caste society that provided considerable stimulation to my analytical thought process. My understanding of caste also owes to works by Western and Indian social anthropologists, who have since the 1950s contributed most to the study of caste, and with whom I have enjoyed close contacts as colleagues.<br>This essay consists of four successive parts. (1) Caste-<i>Varna</i> and <i>Jati</i>. Both are called"caste, "though they have different historical backgrounds as well as different connotations. In actual Hindu life, caste is articulated as <i>jati</i>, numerous primary functional groups variously classified by occupation (as explained in the next section). Simultaneously, <i>jati</i> members also have a strong concern with <i>varna</i>, i.e. the four status groups of Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaisha and Sudra, as clearly stated in ancient Vedic literature. People desire to interpret their <i>jati</i> within a <i>varna</i> classification. This is particularly the case with Kshatriya, in order to profess a higher status. In this paper, the term"caste"refers to <i>jati</i> or a cluster of the same kind of <i>jati</i>.

著者

中根 千枝

出版者

日本学士院

雑誌

日本學士院紀要 (ISSN:03880036)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.35-46, 1997

著者

中根 千枝

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, 1981-11

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This is an analysis based on my field data, genealogies with affinal relations of the major Tibetan noble families (Kuda, sKu-drag), which have been influential during the time of a half century prior to 1959, when the present Dalai Lama took refugee in India.In collecting these data, I was helped great deal by Mrs.Rinchen Dolma Taring, to whom my profound gratitude goes.The central part of this essay is devoted to the analysis of the major noble families (about a dozen, their genealogies are given in Fig. 1-13).As a starting point of the investigation of these highly complicated kinship networks, I took up two distinguished families, the Tsarong and the Yuthok, which have numerous affinal relations with other major families, and both produced Ministers in the early part of this Century.There are several families which have marriage relations with both families; and others are related to either the Tsarong or the Yuthok.Out of twenty major ones those families which have no direct relations with the two are very few.Even these families have more than two marriage relations with families who have direct affinal relations with the Tsarong or the Yuthok.Therefore all these major families are closely connected to one another through kinship and marriage relations, forming a distinguishable circle.Moreover, for these major families which form the circle, most of their spouses came from the families within the circle (as shown in Fig. 15).Such relations multiplies by cases of polygyny and polyandry and also remarriages, all of which are not unusual among them.The circle shows a highly endogamous tendency.Tibetans follow the patrilineal descent system with the exogmous rule applied to those who are related, as they say, within the seventh ascending generation.As a matter of fact, in spite of intricate networks among those families, there is no single instance of the exogamic rule being broken.Instead, there are many cases where two or three marriages took place between two families within one or two generations.In relation to marriage, the discussion touches also on the following points: 1) In the absence of a male, a family takes a man from outside as a husband to the heiress, or the divorcee or widow to fullfil the duty as the head of the family as well as a man to be an officer in the central government. This man is called mag-pa. Mag-pa are normally found within the families of the same circle mentioned above. As shown in my data mag-pa cases are frequently found: sometimes in every generation or more than one in the same generation of a family. For example, see Fig. 4, the Surkhang (an arrow mark indicates a mag-pa case). Therefore continuity in terms of descent in a family (Kuda) is not the necessary requirement.2) There is no such status differentiation as wife-giving and wife-receiving between families.3) Inclusion of Yapshi (Dalai Lama's family) into the circle: it is a well observable fact that the most influential family (-ies), such as of the current Minister, provided spouses to the family members of a newly created Yapshi.List A (p. 30) consists of the names of major families dealt with in detail and of those who are close to them.Their affinal relation networks are shown in Fig. 15 (p. 29).List B (p. 31) includes families which have marriage relations with those in List A; and comparatively big families, including those who were in the Kashag, but did not form the top stratum discussed above.It is assumed that the number of Kuda in Tibet was about two hundreds, so that there were still about one hundred Kuda families, which were socially located in the outer circle of those in List B.The analysis of this essay suggests that the composition of the Tibetan aristocracy was something like that of the Russian aristocracy under the Czar: it did not form a homogeneous stratum clearly separated from the rest of the population, but existed in a somewhat graded manner from the major top ones located at the centre to minor insignificant local ones.In the course of history, there have also been renewals by the decline of older powers and rising of new ones.

著者

中根 千枝

出版者

The Institute of Oriental Culture, University of Tokyo

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, pp.161-176, 1957-03

著者

樋口 敬二 茅 陽一 川那部 浩哉 半田 暢彦 松野 太郎 中根 千枝

出版者

中部大学

雑誌

総合研究(A)

巻号頁・発行日

1994

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地球環境科学の基本的な考え方、各学問分野において推進すべき研究課題、そして推進方策について6WG(研究基盤、気候システム、物質循環、生態システム、人間活動、総合技術)とそれを総括する総括WGを設けて検討を行った。7月から2月にかけて、計35回のWG会合を開催し、以下の結果を得た。(1)地球環境科学の定義としては、「人類の生存基盤である地球環境の理解を深め、人間活動の影響によって損なわれた地球環境の維持・回復に関連する諸問題の解決に資する総合的・学際的科学であり、そのために大気、海洋、陸域、生態系に関わる地球環境変動のメカニズムを解明するととともに、人間活動と地球環境の相互関係を踏まえて、影響の予測及び対応策に関する研究を行い、環境調和的な人間活動の在り方を考究するものである」と定義するのが適当と考えられる。(2)主要な研究課題としては、現象の総合化、対応策の総合化などに基づいたものが重要であり、各研究課題はa)人間活動や社会システムの変化による地球環境の変化を解明する視点、b)人為的な地球環境変化による自然や人間社会への影響を解明する視点、c)人間活動と自然現象との相互作用から地球環境保全の方策を探る視点の3視点を基にしたものに分類できる。たとえばa)に該当する一般的課題としては、人間活動の拡大や社会システムの変化による地球環境負荷の増大に関する研究、人為的環境負荷の増大による地球環境の変化に関する研究、地球環境の環境変化を引き起こす社会システム及び自然システムの解明に関する研究が考えられる。(3)推進方策として最も重要なのは、既存の研究ネットワークをもとにプロジェクト型の研究を推進する中核的研究機関の設立である。また、同時にプロジェクトの実施体制の改善、人材の流動化、国際共同研究の一層の推進と主としてアジア・太平洋地域でにおける持続的な研究とデータの蓄積を図ることが最も重要であるという方向が示された。