著者

別枝 行夫 別枝 行夫 ベッシ ユキオ

出版者

東京女子大学比較文化研究所

雑誌

東京女子大学比較文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638186)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, pp.33-48, 2009

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The Yasukuni problem has raised the question of Japan's sense of war responsibility and this issue has persisted on a political level throughout the postwar era. From a political standpoint, there are two distinct issues:one is domestic and the other has foreign significance.In 1975,the Japanese Prime Minister MIKI Takeo visited the Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo on August 15, the anniversary of the end of World War Two. Prime Minister Miki's visit was the first visit to Yasukuni on August 15 by a Japanese prime minister after World War Two. Miki announced that this was an 'unofficial'visit and he was going there in a private capacity. In this case, the visit did not develop into an international source of protest.However, in 1985, Prime Minister NAKASONE Yasuhiro visited the Yasukuni Shrine on August 15. Nakasone said that he was visiting in the capacity of prime minister of Japan,so this was an 'official'visit. For China and Korea the fact that the Yasukuni shrine includes 14 'Class-A War Criminals' made Nakasone's visit to the Shrine, official or unofficial, an international issue.The purpose of this study is to explicate the backgrounds of Japan's Prime Ministers by outlining the relevant international and domestic political history from 1945 to 1987.

著者

別枝 行夫 Yukio BESSHI

雑誌

北東アジア研究 = Shimane journal of North East Asian research : North East Asian region (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, pp.15-36, 2018-03-31

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The normalization of Japan's political relationship with the People's Republic of China in 1972 was a drastic turning point in the history of international politics in East Asia district. The Japan's policy formation on the normalization of Japan-China relation was characterized by the prolongation of the issue as well as by the extent to which the matter attracted public sentiment and wide range of group interests became activated. In this paper, I try to clarify the following points :1)Who was / were the actual decision maker / decision makers and who was / were his / their advisor / advisors in Japan?2)What was the background of their behavior in Japan's domestic politics?3)Was there any discrepancy between the Japan-China normalization and Japan-U.S. relations (especially Japan-U.S. Security Treaty)?4)Why Komeitou (Clean Government Party) or Ysoshikatsu TAKEIRI could become the best advisor of prime minister Kakuei TANAKA?5)Why China or Zhou Enlai has chosen Komeitou or TAKEIRI himself as the best bridge between China and Japan? The paper emphasizes the importance of the roles played by the various non-governmental and / or non-bureaucratic groups without, however, denying the fact that crucial decisions were taken by a small group of politicians aided by bureaucratic experts.

著者

別枝 行夫

出版者

島根県立大学

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, pp.131-149, 2002-03

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The purpose of this study is to examine a political process of the history textbook controversies, focusing its consequences on Japan's international relations, especially those with China and Korea. The textbook issues have been debated since the postwar period to develop into serious diplomatic problems with China and Korea. Asian countries criticize that Japan's textbooks euphemize Japanese invasion of Asian countries and that screening of textbooks by the Ministry of Education is not inappropriate. The New History Textbook of Fusosha, approved by the Ministry in 2001, made Asian neighbors furious and created heated controversies both in domestic and international communities. As an extraordinary response of the Ministry, the textbook was re-screened. This study describes a political process of the above-mentioned problems through interviews with retired Chinese and Japanese diplomats.

著者

別枝 行夫 Yukio BESSHI

雑誌

北東アジア研究 (ISSN:13463810)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, pp.131-149, 2002-03-29