著者
別枝 行夫 別枝 行夫 ベッシ ユキオ
出版者
東京女子大学比較文化研究所
雑誌
東京女子大学比較文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638186)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.70, pp.33-48, 2009

The Yasukuni problem has raised the question of Japan's sense of war responsibility and this issue has persisted on a political level throughout the postwar era. From a political standpoint, there are two distinct issues:one is domestic and the other has foreign significance.In 1975,the Japanese Prime Minister MIKI Takeo visited the Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo on August 15, the anniversary of the end of World War Two. Prime Minister Miki's visit was the first visit to Yasukuni on August 15 by a Japanese prime minister after World War Two. Miki announced that this was an 'unofficial'visit and he was going there in a private capacity. In this case, the visit did not develop into an international source of protest.However, in 1985, Prime Minister NAKASONE Yasuhiro visited the Yasukuni Shrine on August 15. Nakasone said that he was visiting in the capacity of prime minister of Japan,so this was an 'official'visit. For China and Korea the fact that the Yasukuni shrine includes 14 'Class-A War Criminals' made Nakasone's visit to the Shrine, official or unofficial, an international issue.The purpose of this study is to explicate the backgrounds of Japan's Prime Ministers by outlining the relevant international and domestic political history from 1945 to 1987.
著者
芝 健介
出版者
東京女子大学
雑誌
東京女子大学比較文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638186)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.62, pp.67-88, 2001

1995年にドイツの代表的週刊誌『シュピーゲル』は、そのニュルンベルク裁判50周年特集号に「勝者の裁き」という見出しをつけた。すでに1985年の40周年特集号で同誌は、カイテルやリッベントロップ、フリック等、死刑判決を受けた被告の、刑執行直後の遺体写真をセンセーショナルにとりあげ、「時代の犠牲者」というメッセージを暗示していた。こうした見方、扱い方は、日本ではさらに激しく表示され、1996年の東京裁判50周年のシンポジウム(『争論・東京裁判とは何だったのか』築地書館、1997年参照)では、ナチ体制の犯罪、わけてもホロコースト(ユダヤ人絶滅政策)が、日本の「通常の」戦争犯罪と比較し、類をみぬ犯罪であったにもかかわらず、ニュルンベルク裁判よりも厳しい判決が東京裁判では下された、というイメージが参加者の想起するところにはかならないことも判明した。いずれにしても、裁判への強い関心とはうらはらに史上未曾有の大規模な戦犯裁判自体の意義は、おしのけられがちで、歴史のテーマとしても貶価されがちだったことは否めない。最近まで、ニュルンベルク裁判と東京裁判との比較も、本格的系統的におこなわれるようなことはほとんどなく、なされても副次的なこころみにすぎなかったのが実情である。東京裁判はニュルンベルク裁判をモデルとしながらも、それとは重大な相違を帰結することになった。小稿では、ヨーロッパと「極東」の両戦犯裁判の間に横たわるこの重大な差異についてさまざまな角度から特徴づけることを念頭におきながら、(1)戦犯裁判の成立過程(裁判憲章と構成)、(2)連合国の戦犯追及政策への枢軸側の対応、(3)なぜ多くの犠牲者の問題がなおざりにされたのか、わけても「アジア」の民衆被害者の貶価の問題、(4)判決と裁判証拠・ドキュメント史料の4点にわたって比較検討吟味した。小稿は、比較文化研究所総合研究プロジェクト・近現代における戦争終結過程の研究(松沢哲成教授主宰)に参加した筆者のささやかな成果であるが、2000年5月17日夕、ボーフム(ルール大学)でおこなったドイツ語の講演を基本的に再録したもので、このようなテーマで話す貴重な機会を筆者にお与え下さったノルベルト・フライ教授Professor Dr・Norbert Frei, Neuere und Neueste Geschichte an der Ruhr-Universitat Bochumに心から感謝申し上げる。また同大学日本学科のレギーネ・マティーアス教授Professorin Dr. Regine Mathiasはじめ、鋭い質問を投げかけ、熱心に耳を傾けて下さった方がたにも感謝申し上げたい。なお付表Anhang Aは、ニュルンベルク国際軍事裁判と12のニュルンベルク継続裁判の計199名の被告に対する判決一覧で、継続裁判で首席検察官をつとめたテーラー准将の、今ではなかなか入手しがたくなった著書Telford Taylor, Die Nurnberger Prozesse, Zurich 1951,S. 160-166.から再録させていただいたが、たとえば最初のへルマン・ヴイルへルム・ゲーリングの場合、ゲーリングが日本流にいえば姓Familiennameであるから、本来ならばGoring, Hermann Wilhelmとコンマを挿んで(フォンを称号にしている人の場合、たとえばヨアヒム・フォン・リッベントロップの場合も同様にvon Ribbentrop, Joachimと)表記しなければならない。しかし原頁尊重からオリジナルのままとしたので御注意いただきたい。Anhang Bは、東京裁判25名の被告に対する判決一覧で、折しもドイツ滞在中だった筆者作成のものであるが、関東(Kwantung)軍、張鼓峰(Changkufeng)事件、ノモンハン(Nomonhan)事件等の欧文表記法について東京から懇切に御教示いただいた松沢哲成教授にも感謝申し上げたい。
著者
菱田 信彦
出版者
東京女子大学比較文化研究所
雑誌
東京女子大学比較文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638186)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.78, pp.59-76, 2017

Elves and goblins in J. K. Rowling's "Harry Potter" books seem to be rather different from their traditional images we see in British folktales. Rowling's elves are pathetic, hardly able to act for their own sake, delighted only when they are treated well by witches and wizards. On the other hand, goblins are clever and assertive, and always stick to their goals. In Harry's last battle with Voldemort told in the seventh book, a goblin, Griphook, plays a crucial part. It seems that in Rowling's works goblins are given more positive roles than elves, which is not the case in most traditional folktales. However, learning to be kind to house-elves is also very important for Harry, because house-elves work best for those who are kind to them, and acquiring their help means a lot in the battles Harry fights. In the seventh book, Harry digs a grave for Dobby, the house-elf who has died to save him. Harry does this just for Dobby's memory, not to get help from house-elves. This selfless service of Harry's moves Griphook, usually a stubborn and defiant goblin, and he agrees to join forces with Harry in his task to defeat Voldemort. Elves and Goblins described in Rowling's works show that just being kind can change the world.
著者
川村 輝典
出版者
東京女子大学
雑誌
東京女子大学比較文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638186)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.52, pp.41-56, 1991

1. The purpose of this paper is to call into question the term "Kokai-ism" a term denoting the concept that the ideal stand of the Christian Church in Japan is evangelical, superdenominational, and independent. Judged from this point of view, many important elements of the real church of Japan in Meiji Era are excluded. 2. Thus the establishment of Presbyterian churches by C. Carrothers, H. Loomis, and J. C. Hepburn has, as a consequence of sentimental reasoning, been treated relatively negatively and as yet not ecclesiastically. From a scientific point of view, this gives the impression of careless thinking. 3. The breakdown of Kokai-ism was achieved not by the independent work of the Presbyterian churches but by the nonecclesiastical character of the Kokai herself. The Presbyterian Church of Japan founded one new church after another and with the Dutch Reformed Church and the United Presbyterian Church of Scotland established the United Church of Japan. 4. The establishment of the United Church of Japan in October, 1877, was quite opportune and an incident of great historical importance for the Reformed Presbyterian Church in Japan. The original ideal of Kokai-ism has been realized not in herself but in the United Church of Japan. This church was established by the several churches, each of which maintained the clear character of the denomination and was as yet not closed, but wished to unite herself with the Congregational Church of Japan.
著者
屋名池 誠
出版者
東京女子大学
雑誌
東京女子大学比較文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638186)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.64, pp.23-40, 2003

Japanese has a unique writing system, which allows you to write horizontally as well as vertically. It was not until late Edo Period or Early Meiji Period (around 1860 -1870) that horizontal writing was introduced. Before then there was only vertical writing. This paper examines the reasons why the horizontal writing was possible to occur in these periods. The reasons are: 1. When a language with a different direction of writing contacts another, it is not unusual that they influence each other and produce variants. 2. However, it is not easy for a variant to settle in an already existing language. In order for it to settle down, there should be some conditions in which the new variant would be socially accepted in the speech community. 3. Horizontal writing may have been accepted as part of the extensive Westernization that was carried out in those periods. This would be a reason why the innovation in the direction of Japanese writing occurred in the middle of the 19th century.
著者
栗原 純
出版者
東京女子大学
雑誌
東京女子大学比較文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638186)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.54, pp.37-62, 1993

This article deals with the Japan's ruling policy toward her first colony, Taiwan. From the first, the Meiji government took an ambiguous attitude toward the colony with the alternative of giving the same legal status to it as to Japan proper, or governing it as a pure colony. And two factors influenced this policy ; the political situation in Taiwan and the relationship between the government and the Diet. First of all, in order to suppress the armed resistance of Taiwan people against Japanese rule, the government committed large-scale troops to the colony and at the same time appointed among military or naval officers a Taiwan governor, who was charged with strong authorities for administration, justice, legislation, and army. The government tried to deprive the Diet, which was then led by political parties, of the voice in the administration of Taiwan. But to meet the need of a tremendous sum of money for ruling the colony, including the military cost, it was necessary to refer a budget for Taiwan to the Diet. While the power over administration, justice, and army was granted through the Imperial decree, as to that of legislation the government wanted to gain the parliamentary approval to it. Thus the government submitted "the bill on laws and ordinances to be enforced toward Taiwan" to the ninth session of the Imperial Diet held in 1896. However, because it was to provide the Taiwan governor with the legislative, that bill was faced with a strong objection in the Diet under the name of a violation of the constitution. In March 1896, it was barely passed as the 63rd law, whose term of validity was just 3 years. This did not solve the essential problem of whether Taiwan would be under the constitution or not. In Taiwan, under the 63rd law, the anti-Japan resistance became so hard that the government was forced to spend much money in repressing it. Because of financial pressure, the government aimed to increase a land tax, which brought about its opposition with political parties and the repeated change of cabinet. Besides the date of enforcement of new treaties was just around the corner. The government had succeeded in the amendment of unequal treaties around the Japan-China War. But in this case too, it remained unsettled whether these new treaties would be applied to Taiwan or not. After all, the government concluded that both new treaties and the constitution would be effective in Taiwan, and expressed it officially. But before the end of the validity of the 63rd law, the government had the Diet recognize its prolongation. Thus based on the 63rd law with a unconstitutional taint, an authoritarian and dictatorial military rule was established in Taiwan.
著者
平瀬 徹也
出版者
東京女子大学
雑誌
東京女子大学比較文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638186)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.58, pp.23-40, 1997

It is natural that most writers on atrocities tend to put emphasis on their own case, whether they are witnesses or researchers. But that is not always conducive to a balanced judgement of the case. To avoid this, the present author proposes the differentiation of atrocities of the 20th century into three categories - (a) the madness of battlefield, (b) the madness of war, and (c) the madness of ideology. The madness of battlefield is rather accidental like the Son My (My Lai) Massacre in the Vietnam War or the Nanking Massacre in the Sino-Japanese War. Though the outcome is often extremely bloody and horrible, this kind of atrocity is not caused by government decision. On the other hand, the madness of war is usually more deliberate and calculated. Like the Japanese ill-treatment of the Allied POWs and the Allied strategic bombings during the Second World War, it is the product of national policy. It is not just the outburst of individual or group cruelty. The madness of ideology is also the product of national policy. But as in the cases of the "Holocaust" and the "Goulag Archipelago", it is caused by special ideologies which choose particular races, classes, or religious sects as mortal and unworthy of humanitarian treatment. Even old people and children are not spared cruelties and massacres in this case. The present author thinks that failure to differentiate these three categories of atrocities makes obscure the true character of each case. We must guard ourselves against the confusion of memory and history. If necessary, we must be prepared to scrutinize and calculate.
著者
古澤 頼雄
出版者
東京女子大学
雑誌
東京女子大学比較文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638186)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.66, pp.13-25, 2005

文化が人間のあり方に大きく影響することは様々な事象によって自明のことであるが、人間のあり方に文化を超えたかなりの共通性があることもまた見逃せない事実である。そのひとつに社会的スティグマ(烙印)がある。社会的スティグマとは、ひとが相手を自分とは異質なもの、汚れたものと見ることによって、相手の存在によって自分の幸せが脅かされると思えたり、理解したくないという気持ちから、相手と一層距離を置きたいと考える心理である。このことは、大勢の人たちが共通にもっている見方からはずれた対象に対して特に顕著にあらわれる。高齢者、異人種・民族、障害者、貧困者などが社会的スティグマの標的になることはしばしば見聞きするところであるが、それだけではない。ここでは、血縁のない家族を創ろうとする人たちが血縁をもつことは家族にとってごく当たり前と思っている人たちから浴びせられる社会的スティグマに焦点を当てながら、どのようにして非血縁家族は構築されていくかを、"不妊治療の選択→養子を迎える決断→幼年養子を迎える"という家族のライフサイクルによって考察し、非血縁家族を構築する人たちの社会的スティグマへの挑戦を通して、改めて家族とは何かを考える。
著者
桶脇 博敏(1964-)
出版者
東京女子大学比較文化研究所
雑誌
東京女子大学比較文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638186)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.74, pp.49-63, 0000

Tombstones accounts for three-quarters of the corpus of Latin inscriptions (Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum) and are estimated number about 250,000 or more. In one study,R.P. Saller and B.D. Shaw investigated Roman family relations based on the data about the commemorator's relationship with the deceased and concluded that the nuclear family was characteristic of many regions of Western Europe as early as the Roman Empire.Later, from the same point of view, P. Gallivan and P. Wilkins attempted to quantify some of the epigraphic evidence relating to the family in Roman Italy during the early empire and reported great regional variations in Italian commemorative practices. This was true of the North, where the slave (or ex-slave) population was represented far less than elsewhere. Building onto previous studies, I investigate the conclusions that can be drawn about family relations in the Western Roman Empire and Italy, especially:1. Did family members commemorated on tombstones live together in the same household?2. Why were illegitimate children (spurii filii) represented far more in Northern Italy?
著者
守屋 彰夫
出版者
東京女子大学
雑誌
東京女子大学比較文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638186)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, pp.47-68, 1998

Studies in ancient epistolography have been systematically undertaken since a conference on ancient letter writing at the annual convention of the Society of Biblical Literature held in 1973. Along with this current, various projects have shed light on the epistolary features of letters written in Hebrew, Aramaic, Ugaritic, Akkadian, Egyptian, Greek, and Latin. As a result, above all, Aramaic letters in Achaemenian Persian period, almost all of which were found in Egypt, have been verified to have extensive common characteristics with Akkadian letters exchanged in the preceding centuries in Assyria and Babylonia. Some scholars insist, however, that numerous traits of the Aramaic private letters are derived from Egyptian letter formulae, and this position was dominant in the beginning of 1980s. However F.M. Fales raised an objection to this perception in 1987. In his opinion, almost all the traits found in the Aramaic private letters, to say nothing of official ones, evolved from Akkadian usages. The problem challenges us to come up with an explanation. A succinct history of letter writing is presented in the first part of this article, beginning with Sumerian and continuing up to the Imperial Aramaic period. In the second part, the observation focuses on how epistolary formulae were carefully learned at scribe-training schools in Sumer and Akkad and how they gradually became completely fixed. Every generation accepted the fixed wording as a model and transmitted to following generations. Thus, the traditional epistolary formulae in Sumerian and Akkadian languages reached Aramaic speaking people in Egypt ruled by the Achaemenian Empire notwithstanding geographical and temporal remoteness. In the third part, the derivation of the opening clauses, the temple greeting, the blessing formula, and so on, attested in the Aramaic letters are examined. In the conclusion it is claimed that quite a few of the formulae except for the temple greeting might go back to an epistolary tradition found in the official correspondence of the Assyrian and Babylonian empires. The temple greeting alone might owe a debt to the Egyptian style. In sum, the Aramaic private letters as well as official ones were deeply influenced by the preceding Akkadian tradition as pointed out by Fales.
著者
山中 信夫
出版者
東京女子大学
雑誌
東京女子大学比較文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638186)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, pp.31-53, 1996

Publications relating to Soseki are now enjoying another boom in Japan. Of course, this is owing partly to the effective publicity campaign of Iwanamishoten, one of the publishers of Soseki's works, on publishing once again a new complete edtion of his works, but there seem to be deeper, underlying reasons for his recent revival. Those reasons are so complicated and many-faceted, as well as so deeply hidden and elusive, that for the present there is no way but to try and inquire along some tentative lines, depending upon intuitive inferences. In this connection, firstly, Soseki's peculiarly free and flexible mind should be mentioned. He has a penetrating intellect and was capable of thinking for himself, among and against the overwhelming influences of European culture in the Japan of the Meiji era. Many critics are interested in Soseki's free, unprejudiced and radical way of thinking. Karatani, one of the leading critics of Soseki, has said in a symposium on Soseki that perhaps Soseki was the first and only theoretical thinker in Japan, or rather the first and only Japanese who could think theoretically in the true sense of the word; 'to think theoretically' indicates, in this case, a radical, independent way of thinking with a view to reaching an objective theory, the model of which is that of natural science. In the same symposium, Hasumi, another leading Soseki critic, stated a similar view, adding that Soseki always thought and wrote without losing his amateurish naivety. Hasumi insists that the problem is what makes such an amateurish naivety go such a long way in his thinking as well as in his writing. This amateurish naivety of Soseki's may derive from his above-mentioned uniquely free and flexble mind. "A man who inaugurates an enterprise must be an amateur in the true sense of the word, and that is the case with a great artist." Those are Soseki's own words. An expert depends on his surpassingly rich experiences and can never be free from them, but there are some cases in life when experiences will never do, or, rather, will be a hindrance, as in the case of an artist who has to venture into an unexplored region. From another point of view, there is a particular time in history, an age of transition, when one cannnot depend upon experiences; changes are then so drastic and sweeping that the old paradigm is still half-alive, while a new one can not yet replace it; therefore, one is faced with brand-new circumstances. Here no one can help being an amateur in a sense. The Meiji era was such an age, and so is ours. Hence Soseki's peculiar popularity and importance at present. His Bungakuron (A theory of Literature) is unique in many points. It is a very early attempt to theorise about literature in general with a view to giving it the objectivity of natural science. At the same time, it is an desperate attempt by Soseki to regain self-confidence in the face of the overwhelming Western influences. The abundant quotations from English literature and their penetrating elucidations in the book are worthy of note even now, for we are still confronted with that problem of crosscultural relations; indeed its underlying difficulty will never diminish. Much instruction can still be drawn from Soseki's own way of tackling the cross-cultural problem of interpretaion. This essay is nothing but a preliminary study aimed at reading this Bungakuron. Firstly, it will refute Komori's interpretation of Soseki's definition of the subject matter of literature , especially the interpretation of the words "focal impressions and ideas," represented by F in the famous formula of literature(F+f). Komori is one of the most influential introducers of Soseki, and his view of Soseki seems to be constructed on the basis of this interpretation. Komori says he is surprised by the expression, "focal impressions and ideas," because 'impressions' and 'ideas' are diametrically opposite to each other, so that, from a commonsense point of view, the two words cannot be paralleled by means of the co-ordination 'and.' Apart from the word 'focal,' the expression "impressions and ideas" comes from Hume's A Treatise of Human Nature: "All the perceptions of the human mind resolve themselves into two distinct kinds, which I shall call impressions and ideas. The difference betwixt these consists in the degree of force and liveliness , with which they strike upon the mind, and make their way into our thought or consciousness. " Then, clearly, 'impressions' and 'ideas' are not so extremely opposite to each other from the point of view of British commonsense; the definitions of the word 'idea' given in OED confirm this. The next point concerns some contradictions in Soseki's definition. Beyond these contradictory expressions in the definition of literature, however, Soseki's intention and method can be discerned and reconstructed with a few modifications. Some of these revisions are suggested; for example, what is called 'the attaching emotions' can be understood to be 'those which follow'-that is, the posterior emotions. From this diachronic point of view , some uniformity will be achieved in the overall interpretation. Perhaps the most serious fault in Soseki's methodology is that, in his analysis of literary experience, he introduces the results of general psychology without necessary discrimination. As a result, those emotions peculiar to literature, which can be enjoyed only through reading, through the media of words, are not clearly distinguished from those experienced in everyday life.