著者

宮岡 孝尚

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.1, pp.144-161, 2003-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1 1

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As nationalism was one of the most important aspects of Kemalism, the early Turkish Republic showed no interest in the areas and peoples beyond her border. Atatürk suppressed the activities of those advocating Pan Turkism and had them purged, but after his death, Ismet Inönü recognized their rights and the movement rose again.During the final years of the First World War, Nuri Pasha, who was one of the younger brothers of Enver Pasha, and his uncle Halil Pasha advanced towards the Caucasus region with an army. After the war they stayed in Berlin. After returning to Turkey, Nuri established a weapon factory. Many people visited him because of the nostalgia they felt for his brother Enver Pasha. During the republican era, there were many generals and officers within the Turkish Armed Forces who admired Enver Pasha, and the relatives of generals monopolized the weapon industry.Hüseyin Hüsnü Emir Erkilet fought together with German colleagues during the First World War and retired as a major general in 1932. As for the reason for his retiring at such a young age, a famous story has it that it was because he gave the map of the fortified zone of Çanakkale to the Germans, but the real reason was his intimate relationship with the Freedom Party.In 1925, Nuri and Erkilet secretly assembled with friends who had fought in Caucasus, in 1940 Erkilet, Halil and their families vacationed together, and after 1941 they often held meetings concerned with the Turkic peoples living in the Soviet Union.It was thought that Erkilet was pro-German, though in his articles in the ‘Cumhuriyet’ newspaper he seemed to be neutral. However, after the start of the Nazi-Soviet War, he was active against not only the Soviet Union but also the Russians.In September 1941 Nuri visited Berlin, and proposed to persons of authority in the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs that the Turkic peoples found their own states and organize the Muslim corps to support the German forces. Moreover, he stated that a Pan Turkist cabinet would be formed in Turkey and most of the officers would support it, and he mentioned the name of General Kazim Orbay, his brotherin-law who commanded the 3rd Army, as a person who would play an important role in the Pan Turkism movement.Hitler personally invited the two retired generals Erkilet and Ali Ihsan Sabis to the eastern front, and so they applied for the necessary visas for leaving the country. However the Turkish government intervened and replaced Sabis with General Ali Fuat Erden. In this way, the Turkish government turned the personal invitation into an official one.In 1944, after the advance of the Red Army towards Eastern Europe, the Turkish government arrested the Pan Turkists and began the trial so-called “Racism and Pan Turkism Trial.” They were convicted on the pretext of having cooperated with the Germans. However since Nuri and Erkilet were prominent persons under the patronage of the Turkish Armed Forces, they were neither arrested nor indicted even though they had close German ties.General Erden, who was promoted to chief judge of the Supreme Court-Martial, dismissed the verdict of the “Racism and Pan-Turkism Trial.” As the reason for this dismissal, it was thought that he believed that it was not necessary for Turkey to demonstrate any sympathy for the Soviet Union. However, at the same time, there were conflicts between Inonu and the Turkish Armed Forces as is shown by the contraversy over Fevzi Çakmak's pension and Orbay's resignation. After the war, the explosion in Nuri's factory and his death gave rise to active discussions in the Turkish National Assembly. This also proves that there were many opponents to Inönu.

著者

宮岡 孝尚

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

no.13, pp.233-256, 1998-03-31

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Bu konu ile ilgili olan arastirmalari dis politikanin karar verici unsurlarina gore, 'Sovyet Tehdidini Onemseyenler' ve 'Italyan Tehdidini Onemseyenler' olmak uzere ikiye ayrilabilir. Birincisi Batililar tarafindan desteklenip, Carlik Rusyasi ile Osmanlilar arasindaki tarihsel dusmanligin surdurulmesini vurgulamaktadir. Ayni zamanda bu tezi savunmalar arasinda Soguk Savasi doneminde ortaya cikan tarih dusunceleri abartip, Kurtulus Savasindaki Sovyetlerin yardimlari ile Turk-Sovyet dostlugun ilerledigini hafife almaktadir. Ikincisi ise, Turkiye Cumhuriyetinde yaygin olan ltalyan tehdidi ve Turk-Sovyet dostlugunu vurgulamaktadir. Fakat oncekine alternatif olup Sovyetlerin tehdidini yadsimasindan, Italyan tehdidini nispi olarak buyutmektedir. Bunun icin bu makalede basta olarak 'Italyan Tehdidini Onemseyenler'e karsi bazi tenkit noktalarini savunmak istiyorum. Turkiye 1930'lu yillarda "Yurtta Sulh, Cihanda Sulh" sloganin altinda dostca politikasi izlemektedir. Bu yuzden Akdeniz'de somurge politikasi izleyen Italya ile arasindaki iliskisi kotulesmistir. Aksine Turkiye Almanya'nin Sudet bolgesini ilhak etmesine kadar suren bazi haraketler ile Versailles duzenini yikmasina anlayis gosterip, Cekoslavakya Istilasi (1939.3.15) na da kaygsizca bakiyordu. Ama Alman-Roman Ticaret Antlasmasinin imzalanmasi (1939.3.23)ndan sonra, Turkiye Almanya'yi tehdid unsuru olarak degerledirmeye basIamistir. Turkiye'nin Londra Buyukelcisi Tevfik Rustu Aras'in Ingilizlere Turkiye, Yugoslavya ve Yunanistan'in Ingiliz-Italyan Akdeniz Anlasmasina katilacagini onermesi de bu var sayimi ispat etmektedir. 'Italyan Tehdidini Onemseyenler'in bas sebebi Arnavutluk Isgali (1939.4.7) dir. Ama bu olay sirasinda Turkiye tarafsiz kalacagini gostermistir. Yine, Maresal Fevzi Cakmak Bakanlar Kurulunda Italya'nin Bulgaristan'in cekimserligi ile Turkiye'yi istila planini terk ettigini ve ordusunu Habesistan'a gonderdigini bildirdi. Turkiye Italya'yi o kadar tehdid unsuru olarak gormuyordu. Bununla birlikte, Almanya Turkiye'nin Ingiltere'ye yaklasmasinin ana nedeni Arnavutluk Isgali kaynaklandigina inanip, bu olaydan sonra Alman Buyukelciligine atanmis olan von Papen Turk-Italyan munasebetini iyilestirmek icin cabalar harciyordu. Turkiye ise Almanya'nin durumunu yanlis anlamasindan istifade edip, Italyan tehdidini asiri olarak vurgulamasi ile Ingiltere'ye yanasmak zorunda kaldigini anlatmaktadir. Bunun icin Almanya'nin istegi uzerine Italya Turkiye'ye bir saldirmazligi teklifi vermisti. Ancak Turkiye bunu reddedip, Turk-Ingiliz Ortak Demecini yayinlamistir (1939.5.12). Alman-Italyan askeri ittifak muzakereleri ilerlememesine ragmen Ribbentorop ile Ciano arasindaki Milano gorusmesinde Italya bu Ittifak birdenbire onaylayip (1939.5.6-7), 'Celik Pakti' imzalamistir (1939.5.22). Bu Pakti imzalanmasin etkileyip simdiye kadar gozlemimizden kacmis olan unsurlardan Turk-Ingiliz muzakereleri surecinde ortaya cikip Mihver devletadamlarin kulaklarina geldigi haberlerin buyuk onem olusturdugu soylenebilir. Sonunda Italya onceden beli istedigi Akdeniz'deki Ingiltere'nin Ortak yerini kaybetmesini aciga vurmaktadir. Hem Almanya'dan hemde Ingiltere'den ayricalik verilmeye calisilan Italya'nin yanliz Almanlarin tarafina yonelmesinin nedenlerinden biri Turkiye'nin dis politikasi oldugunu soyliyebiliriz. Ikinci Dunya Savasi'nin patlamasindan ertesi gunu Italya butun dunya'ya karsi 'Nonbelligerenza(Savas disi)' Demeci'ni yayinladi. Buna ragmen Turkiye yine Italyan tehdidini vurgulamaya devam ediyordu. Donemin Turk dis politikasi sadece 'bekleme politikasi' degil, Ikinci Dunya Savas'nin esiginde uluslararasi munasebetlerinde onemli bir rol oynamaktadir. Turkiye'nin Italyan tehdidini vurgulmasinin gercek amaci Almanya'nin Balkan Yanmadasina inmesini engellemektir. Ancak bu amacini saklamistir. Turkiye Almanya'yi kisirmadan Ingiltere ile ittifaki etmeyi basarmistir.