著者

山口瑞鳳

雑誌

東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.1, pp.1-34, 1976-01

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Tibetan traditions say that the thirty Tibetan characters were invented by Thon mi saṁbhoṭa, a minister under King Srong btsan sgam po, and that the same minister composed both Sum cu pa and rTags kyi ʼjug pa, works on Tibetan grammar.The clan name Thon mi occurs in Tibetan documents from Tun-huang, but the name of a minister, Thon mi saṁbhoṭa or Aanu'i bu, never does, either in the reign of Srong btsan sgam po or in later ones. There it is said only that the Tibetan characters originated at the time of Srong btsan sgam po.When compared to the contents of Sum cu pa and rTags kyi ʼjug pa, the Tibetan text of the stone pillar inscription of Zhol in Lhasa reveals some striking features, the most interesting of which is that the latter replaces 'kyi', the genitive particle explained in Sum cu pa, with 'gyi' in an places. Similar examples have been found in Tibetan documents from Tun-huang but are not conclusive as their dates are difficult to determine and they are prone to be affected by the scribes' education. The stone pillar inscription, unlike them, preserves the text of a royal decree ensuring hereditary privileges for the descendants of Ngan lam stag sgra khong lod, thus reliable enough to prove that then 'kyi' was not yet in common use. On the other hand, rTags kyi ʼjug pa states the rule of accordance of particles as "a neutral (ma ning) suffix (rjes ʼjug) is followed by a final particle that is a neutral character (ming gzhi)". This rule, which ceased to be widely adhered to after the adoption of new translation terms (skad gsar bcad), has left many examples in the inscription on the southern face of the Zhol stone pillar. Should Sum cu pa and rTags kyi ʼjug pa have been composed by one and the same person, they would fall between the end of the eighth century and 814. Other internal evidences show that Sum cu pa whose grammatical explanation is incomplete, is later than rTags kyi ʼjug pa. If we are to call the author of Sum rtags Thon mi saṁbhoṭa, he should be regarded not as the inventor of the thirty characters but as the composer of thirty ślokas…rTang kyi ʼjug consists of as many…sometime later than the reign of Khri srong lde brtsan, 742-797.

著者

山口 瑞鳳

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.88, no.11, pp.1707-1718, 1979-11-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

著者

山口 瑞鳳

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.1~4, pp.481-513, 1985-03

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The utilization of Chinese historical sources by Tibetan historians in their accounts of early Tibetan history has resulted in no little confusion and error. Buddhist historians made no attempt to rectify these errors; rather, they give the impression of having devoted their efforts to producing tales thought useful for the propagation of Buddhism on the basis of these erroneous accounts.For example, the Hu-lan-beb-ther, the first work in which Chinese materials are utilized, states that the Chinese army occupied Lhasa around 670. In the rGyal-rabs-gSal-ba’i-me-long the Chinese invasion is described as if it had been undertaken for the purpose of carrying off to China the gilt bronze image of Śākyamuni enshrined in ‘Phrul-snang Temple. Yet in Bu-ston’s History of Buddhism, composed a little earlier than the above two works but dating from the same 14th century and uninfluenced by Chinese materials, there is no reference whatsoever to this important event.A re-examination of the Chinese materials, corroborated by the T’ufan Chronicles 吐番編年紀 from Tun-huang, reveals that the T’u-fan army defeated the Chinese forces at the Ta-fei River 大非川, and that the Chinese had in this same year given up all hopes for a restoration of T’u-yü-hun 吐谷輝. Thus, there is no evidence whatsoever of the Chinese having invaded Lhasa. There is also, of course, no reason why they should have mobilized a large army simply for the sake of acquiring a single Buddhist image.It seems probable that Princess Wên-ch’êng 文成 had brought this gilt bronze image of Śākyamuni from China in 646 and had enshrined it in Ra-mo-che Temple, from where it was later transferred to ‘Phrul-snang Temple. Princess Wên-ch’êng remarried the father of her deceased husband, and by the 14th century this historical fact was already being mistakenly linked with Princess Ching-ch’êng. Therefore, it is not at all surprising that Princess Wên-ch’êng’s request for a Buddhist image from China in memory of her deceased husband should have been distorted in an unexpected manner, resulting in the assertion that this image had been hidden in the ‘Phrul-snang Temple in order to protect it from the depredations of the Chinese army and that Princess Chin-ch’êng later rediscovered it.In order to justify this story, it was maintained that the hidden image had been presented to Princess Wên-ch’êng by the Chinese emperor T’ai.tsung 太宗 upon her departure for Tibet, and that it had been the emperor’s most highly prized Buddhist image. This latter point was further substantiated by the claim that this image had reached China from India and dated from the time of Śākyamuni, having been consecrated by the Buddha himself.In summing up, it would appear that the explanation of the origins of this image represents a fusion of the historical account of the arrival of a margosa Buddhist image from India during the reign of Emperor Wu of Liang and the legends relating to the production of the first image of Śākyamuni by the king of Udayana and the invitation of Kumārajīva to China.

著者

山口 瑞鳳

出版者

JAPANESE ASSOCIATION OF INDIAN AND BUDDHIST STUDIES

雑誌

印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.2, pp.754-758, 1965-03-31 (Released:2010-03-09)

著者

山口 瑞鳳

出版者

駒澤大学

雑誌

駒澤短期大學佛教論集 (ISSN:1342789X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, pp.1-16, 1996-10

著者

山口 瑞鳳

出版者

日本西蔵学会

雑誌

日本西蔵学会々報

巻号頁・発行日

no.18, pp.1-2, 1972-03-31